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F AR. M E R's and M O N I T O R's

L E T T E R

TO THE

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I N H A""B IT ANTS

OF THE

BRITISH COLONIES.

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WILLIAMSBURG:
Printed by WILLIAM RIND, mdccjl xix.

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THE

F A R. M E R's and MONITOR-

LET

TO T H E

A B IT A NT S

F T H E

BRITISH COLONIES.

^'-^- * ^i i ,-,

.a^<i/j^.i

WILLIAMSBURG^
Printed by WILLIAM RIND, mdcclxix,

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T H E

P R E F A

9

IT may perhaps reertl fttange to (light Cbnfidefation, that thefe Letters which
have already pafled through all America, (hould now a fecond time be produced
before the Public in their prefent form. But a little further reiledion will fliew
the UTILITY of this WORK. The facred caufe of liberty is of too great
confequence, and the neceluty of freedom for the fecurity of human happinefs
too obvious, not to render every precaution wife, that tends to prevent the introdudion
of flavery. Notwilhflanding therefore, thefe letters have been already publiilied, yet
here, they have been feen only in the Gazettes, which, from the incertainty of their
difperfion, and the length of time paffing between the reception of newfpapers in the
country, may probably have prevented much of the benefit to be derived from a col-
ledlive, uninterrupted view of the manly reafoning, the timely information, and the
true conftitutional principles of liberty with which thefe letters every where abound.
Whoever confiders again that the nature of men in authority is inchned rather to commit
two errors than to retra<5l one*, will not be furprifed to fee the Stamp-A'i^ followed
by a Bill of Right, declaring the power of Parliament to bind us in ail cafes what-
foever ; and this aft followed again by another, impofing a duty on paper, paint,
glafs, 6'c. imported into thefe colonies. But however unbounded may be the v/ifh of
power to extend itfelf, however unwilling it may be to acknowledge miftakes, 'tis
furely the duty of every wife and worthy Amcricati, who at once wifhes the profpcrity
of the Mother country and the colonies, to point out all invafions of the public liberty,
and to {hew the proper methods of obtaining redrefs. This has been done by the
Authors of the following Letters with a force and fpirit becoming freemen, Eiiglijh
freemen, contending for our juft and legal poffefiion of property and freedom. A pof-
fefllon that has its foundation on the clearell: principles of the law of nature, llie moft
evident declarations of the Engltjlo conftitution, the plainefl: contract made between the
Crown and our forefathers, and all thefe fealed and fanflified by the iifage of near

* Clarendon's Hlftory of the Rebellion,

A two

ii The P R E F a C E.

two hundred j'cars. American rights thus refting on the bed and ftrongefl: ground,
it behoves all her inhabitants with united heads, hearts, and hands, to guard the facred
depofit committed by their fathers to their care, as well to blefs poflerity as to fecure
the happinefs of the prefent generation. In vain 'tis for fome few (and very few I hope
they are) who, governed either by bafe principles of fear, or led by vile hopes of gain,
the reward of prollituted virtue, to fay, " your rights are indeed invaded, h\xx. Great-
Britain is too ftrong. What can we do againft fuperior ftrength ?" Let ihefe evil de-
figning men remember what the highefi authority has told us, " that the race is not
always to the fwift, nor the battle to the ftrong." And if infpiration needed to
receive aiEUance from genius, Skakefpeare {■A^%i "thrice is he armed that has his quarrel
juft, and he but naked, tho' lock'd up in fteel, whofe confcience, with injuftice, is
oppFefled." Pliilory alfo informs us, that Xerxes with his armed millions could net
acccmpli(h his purpofe of reducing to flavery the much weaker but free States of
Greece. Three hundred brave men at TherinophyU, contending for liberty, deftroyed
twenty thoufand who attempted its ruin. In later times we fee the States o( Holland
^r^t, and tlie generous Corjicans likely to be fo, although the far greater powers of
Spain, Germany, and France, have at different periods combined to enflave thefe noble
nations.

The truth is, that the great Author of nature has created nothing in vain, and
having with the life of man joined liberty, the virtuous enjoyment and free poffeiFion
of property honefHy gained, has undoubtedly furnifhed all nations with the means of
defending their natural rights, if they have but wifdom and fortitude to make the proper
ufe of fuch means. In thisinflance we find ourfelvcs three thoufand miles removed from
Great-Britain, we poiTcfs a country abounding with woods in all parts, and in many
with mountains of difficult and dangerous accefs. The eafe with which the flaple
colonies could put an entire flop to the exportation of their commodities, and the
peaceable but vital injury that this would convey to thofe who might infift on oppreffing
them, are truths fo plain as to require no further animadverfion. Vcrhuni fapienti fat
i[fl. The nature of the climate, the foil, 'and its various produce, point out the eafe
and extent with v/hich manufadures may be conduced here. Thefe thirtgs are men-
tioned as a proof of what is above afferted, that the bountiful Author of nature has
furniflied his creatures with the means of fecuring their proper rights, and that the event
depends much upon their own v/ife and brave determinations. A benevolent mind in-
deed, cannot but lament that either ambition, avarice, or ill-placed refentment, fliould
ever be fo exercifed as to force men into the invefHgation of thofe methods by which
they may be fecured from the operation of thefe bad pafTions. For certain it is, that
there is nothing more becoming to human nature than well ordered governriiertt, or more
valuable than liberty : How ignominious then mufl: his conduct be who turns the llrft
into confufion, and the latter into flavery ? But whatever may be the opinion, or the
d;(ign of a rapacious ill-advifcd Minifter, the Americans have in their view this happy
profpcft ; that the people of Great-Britain are generous and brave, they know the
value of liberty, becaufe ihcy have purchafed that knowledge with much of their blood j

and

The preface. ili

and therefore they cannot but efteem us their children for venerating the good old caufe
which they themfelves have contended for in many a well-fought field. It is really
wonderful that this unhappy difpute betwsen Great-Britain and her colonies fliould ever
have exifled, when a moment's retrofpedtion (hews the Mother country for near two
centuries exercifing leglflative authority here without complaint, while fhe abftained from
that lingle deftrudlve claim of taking our money from us without the confent of our
reprefentatlves. The exercife of which claim, would indeed reduce A7nerica, to a
ftate of flavery more deplorable and more ignominious than has ever yet been known in
the world. But to what purpofe this fliould be defired is (till more amazing, when Britain
from her exclufive trade to thefe colonies, and from the manner in which fhe tied up
our manufacturing hands, not only received the entire produce of the lands and labour
of thefe countries, but has befides involved the people here in a heavy debt, which
agriculture, without arts, and a trade fo confined, will probably never pay. Mr. Gren-
ville it feems Bad the honour of devifing this new fyftem of Amsrican policy.

Till one fliall rife

Of proud ambitious heart, who not content
With fair equality, fraternal ftate,
Will arrogate dominion undeferved
Over his brethren, and quite difpofiefs
Concord and the law of nature from the earth.

Hunting

With war and hoftile fnare fuch as refufe
Subjedtion to his empire tyrannous. ^

O execrable fon fo to afpire

Above his brethren, to himfelf afkiming
Authority ufurped, from God not given :
He gave us only over beaft, fifli, fowl.
Dominion abfolute ; that right we hold
By his donation ; but man over men
He made not lord ; fuch title to himfelf
Referving, human left from human free,

Juftly thou abhorreft

That fon, who on the quiet ftate of men

Such trouble brought.

Milton's Paradise Lost, B. XII. L, 24. ei feq.

LETTERS

•;!ad 3« has ; wt.^\\Q ^^«\i(V<\v\w\v\\ t^\' ?h: ,v3

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kJ

FROM A

F A ,R M

L E T T E

My dear Gountrymen,

CI

t^

I

fettled, after a variety of fortunes, near the
f,stt O ^^'^^^ of the river Dsla'vjare in the province of Penr.fylvania,
Jj ^ I received a liberal education, and have been engaged io the bufy
5J 1^ fcenes of. life; but am now convinced, that a man may be as
S C^ happy vv^ithoiu bullie, as with it. My farm is fmall ; my fervants
SC-i^^^-M.^ O 3re few, and good; I have a little money at intereft; I wifh for
^'^^■^^ ^ j^Q more; my employment in my own affairs is eafy ; and with
0CI^!lOCIOO=d a contented grateful mind, cndifturbed by worldly hopes or fears,
relating to myfelf, I am compleating the nnnaber of days allotted
to me by Divine goodnefs.

Being generally mafter of my .time, I fpend a good deal of it in a library, which
I think the mod valuable part of my fmall eftate; and being acquainted with two or
three Gentlemen of abilities and learning, who honour me with their fiiendfhip, I have
acquired, I believe, a greater knowledge in hiftory, and the laws and conflitution of
my country, than is generally attained by men of my clafs, many of them not being
fo fortunate as I nave been in the opportunities of getting information.

B From

K

2 The farmer's LETTERS.

Fp.om ir.y infr-ncy I was taught to love humanity and Uherty^ Enquiry and experi-
ence have iince coniirmed my reverence for the leffons then given me, by convincing me
more fully of their truth and excellence. Benevolence towards mankind, excites wifius
fx)r their welfare, and fuch willies endear the means of fulfilling them. Thefe can be
■found in liberty only, and therefore her facred caufe ouglit to be efpoufed by every
man, on every occaiion, to the utmoH: of his power. As a charitable, but poor perfon
does not withhold his f/^rZ/i", becaufe he cannot relieve a!l\\\z difrrefics cf the niiferable,
To fiiould not any honelt man fappreft his fentiments concerning freedom, however
fmall their influence is likely l^bev Perhaps he "may touch- ibai€ wheei-*," that
will have an effecTc greater than h"^ could' reafonablyeKpeft. '\ '>.'tK' -n.iva 16 iD37it^

These being my fentiments, I am encouraged to offer toyoii, my'countryraen, my
thov.ghts on fome late tranfaifrions, that appear to me to be of the utmolT: importance
to you. Confciovis of my own defects, I have waited fome time, in expectation of
feeing the fubjed treated by perfans much better <]^uali(ied for the tallc; but being
therein difappointed, and apprehenfive that longer delajs will be injuTious, I venture at
^£ngth to reoiiell: the attention of the public, praying, that thefe lines may be read
with the fame zeal for the happinefs cf BritijJj America, with v.'hich they v/ere 'u.^roie.^

With a good deal of furprize I have obferved, that little notice has been taken of
an aft of Parliament, as injurious in its principle to the liberties of thefe colonies, as
the Sta?)!p-Jfl was : I mean the aft for fufpending the legiflation of Neiv-York.

The AiTembly of that government complied with a former aft of Parliament, requiiing
certain provifions to be made for the troops in A?nerica, in every particular, I think,
except the articles of fait, pepper, and vinegar. In my opinion they afted imprudently,
confidering all circum.ftances, in not complying fo far as would have given fatisfaftion,
as feveral colonies did: But my diHike of their conduft in that inftance, has not
blinded me fo much, that I cannot plainly perceive, that they have been punifted in a
manner pernicious to American freedom, and juftly alarming to all the colonies.

If the Britijh Parliament has a legal authority to ilTue an order, that we fliall
furnifli a fingle article for the troops here, and to compel obedience to that order,
they have the fame right to iiTue an order for us to fupply thofe troops with arms,
cloaths, and every neceffary; and to compel obedience to that order alfo ; in fiiort, to
lay any burthens they pleafe upon us. What is this but taxing us at a certain ftim,
and leaving to us only the manner of raifing it ? How is this mode more tolerable than
the Statnp-Aft ? Would that aft have appeared more pleafing to Americans, if being
ordered thereby to raife the fum total of the taxes, the mighty privilege had been left
to them, of faying how much fliould be paid for an inftrument of writing on paper,
and how much for another on parchment. ?

An aft of Parliament, commanding us to do a certain things if it has any validity,
is a tax upon us for the expence that accrues in complying \vith it; and for this reafon,
I believe, every colony on the continent, that chofe to give a mark of their refpeft for
Great-Britain, in complying with the aft relating to the troops, cautioufly avoided
the mention of that aft, left their conduft Hiould be attributed to its fuppofed obligation.

* Pope, The

TheJARMER's -letters. 3

The matter being thus ftated, the AlTerably of Neiv-York^ either had, or had
not, a right to refule fubrniffion to that aft. If they had, and I imsgine no Ame-
rican m\\. fay ihey had not, then the Parliament had ?2o right to compel them to
execute it. If they had not this rights they had no right to punifli them for not
executing it; and tiierefore «<? right to fafpend their Jegiilation, which is a punini-
ment. In faft, if the people of JVenv-Tork cannot be legally taxed but by their own
reprefentatives, they cannot be legally deprived of the privilege of legiflation, only fov
iniifting, on that excluiive privilege of taxation. If tiiey may be legally deprived in
fuch a cafe, of the privilege of legifiation, why may thty not, with equal reafon, be
deprived of every other privilege? Or why. may not every colony be treated in the fame
manner, when any of them ihall dare to deny their allent to any impolitions, that fhall
be direfced-f Or what fignifies the repeal of the Stamp-Ad?, if thefe colonies are to
lofe their o/^^t privileges, by not tamely furrendering Z/^^?/ of taxation ?

There is one conhderation ari(ingfrom this fufpeniion, v;hich is not generally attended
to, but faews its importance very clearly. It was not necejj'ary that this fufpenfion fhould
be eaufed by an adl of Parliament. The Crown might have retrained the Governor of
Nenu-Yorky even from calling the AiTembly together, by its prerogative in the Royaf
governments. This ftep, I fuppofe, would have been taken, if the conduct of the
AfTembly of New-7'ork had been regarded as an aft of difobedience to the Croivn alone ,-
but it is regarded as an ad of* "difobedience to the authority of the Britifij legijld^
ture^ This gives the fufpenfion a confequence vaftly more afFeding. It is a Parlia-
mentary alTertion of the fupreme authority of the Britijh legiflature over thefe colonies,
in the point of taxation, and is intended to compel New-Tork into a fubraiilion to thar.
authority. It feems therefore to me as much a violation of the liberties of the people
of that province, and confequently of all thefe colonies, as if the Parlianxnt had fent
a number of regiments to be quartered upon them till they fhould comply. For it is
evident, that the fufpenfion is meant as a corjipulfion ; and the ??ieihod of compelling is
totally indifferent. It is indeed probable, that the fight of red coats, and the hearing
of drums, would have been moft alarming; becaufe people are generally more influ-
enced by their eyes and ears, than by their reafon. But whoever ferioufly confiders
the matter, muft perceive, that a dreadful flroke is aimed at the liberty of thefe colo-
nies. I fay, of thefe colonies; for the caufe of cm is the caufe of «//. If the Par-
liament may lawfully deprive New-York of any of ^^r rights, it may deprive any, or
all the other colonies of //;£>/> rights; and nothing can poffibly fo much encourage fucH^
attempts, as a mutual inattention to the interefls of each other. To divide, and thus
to dejiroy, is the iirft political maxim in attacking thofe, who are powerful by theit*
union. He certainly is not a wife man, who folds his arms, and repofes himfelf at
home, viewing, with unconcern, the flames that have invaded his neighbour's hcufe,
without uGng any endeavours to extinguifli them. When Mr. Hampden ^ fhip money
caufe, for Th-ee Shillings and Four Pence, was tried, all the people of E-ngland, with
anxious expedation, interefted themfelves in the important decifion ; and when the

Dightefl
* See the ad of Sufpenfion.

4 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

fl^phtcfl po:nt. touching the freedom of.;;, colony. Is agitated, I earneniy ^vifh .that
jteVee r^Iy. ^vhh equal ..rdour. fupport their Jifter. Very much may be faid on
*!,:«. ■T.-.^J^l'^- biu I hope, more at prefent: is unnecefiary. . . r ,

W TH Jnce n I hU ob:'exved, that two AfTemblics of this province have fat and
a^^iou ned, 'vhhout talu.g any notice of this ad It may perhaps be aflced, v.hat
S ha;e been proper fo: then, to do ? I am by no means fend of inflamatory
m afLs I deteft 'heL. I fnould be ferry that any thing fl-.ould be cone v.h.ch might
rmvdifpWe cur Sovereign, or cur Mother country : But a firm, modeft exeruon of
ii-cef^' ft^^^^^ never be wanting on. public occaftons. It appears to me that u
v/^^'d Lve'been fufhcient for the Aflembly, to have ordered onr agents to reprefent to
leLg^s Minift.rs, their fenfe of the fafpending aft and to pray for us repeal.
Thus we fiiould have borne our teftimony againft it; and m.glu therefore reafonably
expea that, on a i.ke occaCon. we might receive the fame alfulance from the other

C&ncordis res parvtc crefsiait.

Small things grow gr^at by concord. ^ p A R M E P .

colonies

Novefuier 5

The day of King William the Thitd's landing.

LETTER II.

My dear Coukteymet-t,

THERE is another late aft of Parliament, ^vhich appears to me to be unconftl-
mional, and as deftraalve to the liberty of thefe coIon.es, as that mentioned
inmylaftletter; that is, the aft for granting the dut.es onpaper, 8^^^^' f f* , ,

tL Parliament unquelHonably polTeffes ji legal authoruy ^o -^« . . the tnid o
Great- Br Hah:, and all her colonies. Such an autnoruy is elf.ntial to the rdaaon
betw en a Mo her country and her colonics; and neceflary for the common good of
all He, who confiders thefe provinces as Ihtes diftlnft from the Br.nJJy empire has
very flenHer notions of y^/.. or of their intcrefts. We are but parts ot .^Me;
Ind therefore there mart exid a power fomewhere, to prefide, and preferve the con-
'leaion in due order. This powc/is lodged in the Parliament ; and .^-e are as mUch
dependant on Great-Britain, as a perfedly free people can be on ^^n^ther.

• I HAVE looktd over every ftaiute relating .to. tliefe colonies, from ^'^^'//''^ .[^^;,^:
ment to this timej and I find every one of them founded en tms F'^^^'Tl^-^tm Jhe

The farmer's LETTERS, s

Stjimp-z^il adminiftration*. All before, are calculated to regulate trade, and preferve
or promote a mutually beneficial intercourfe between the feveral conitituent parts of
the empiie; and though many of them impofed duties on trade, yet thofe duties were
always impofed 'with dejign to redrain the commerce of one part, that was injurious to
another, and thus to promote the general welfare. The raifing a revenue thereby was
never intended. Thus the King, by his Judges in his courts of Juftice, impofes fines,

which

* For the fatisfiiftion of the reader, recitals from the former a61s of Parliament relating
ro thefe colonies ave added. By comparing thefe with the modern ads, he will perceive
llieii great d:iTerencein(f.v*r^?;z and iatentijn.

The i2th Charles, Chap'. i8, which forms thefoundation of the laws relating to o.vrtrade,
by enading that certain piodudions of the colonies i'hould be carried to ii'^^/t^/zi only, and
that no -goods ihaJ) be imported from the plantations but in fhips belonging to E?igland,
Ireland^ Wales, Bervjick, or the Plantations^ <bc. begins thus: '''For the hicrsafe of
Jhippinr, andea^oura'^eiJientofthi navigation of thii nation, wherein, under the good
providence and protedijn of G'6'U, the wealth, fafety, and itrength of this kingdorr. is
fo much concerned," ttc.

The 15th Charles II. Chap, 7. enforcing the furae regulation, affigns thefe reafons forit.
" In regard his Majeily's plantations, beyond the feas,. are inhabited and peopled by his
fubjeds of this his kingdom oi^Englatid^for the maintaining a greater correfpondence and
kindnef between them, and keepfng them in a firmer dependance upon it, and rendering
them yet more beneficial and advantageous unto it, in the further sjnployntjent and increafe
cf'S.ngh^hfipping andfeainen, vent oi Engl if) woollen, and other manufactures and com-
modities, re7iJcring the navigation to and from the fame more faje and cheap, and ma-
king this kingdom ^.Jtaple, not only of the commodities of thofe plantations, but alfo of the
commodities of other countries and places for thefupplytng of them ; and it being the itfagc
of other nations to keep their plantations trade to themfelves," Z5C.

The 2iih Charles II. Chap. 7, made exprefsly '■^ for the better fecuring the plantation
trade," which impofes duties on certain commodities exported from one colony to another,
mentions this caufe for impoling them : "Whereas by one a£t, paffed in the i3th year of
your P'fajefty's reign, intituled, AmO. ^or encouragement of Jhipping and navigation, and
fey fcverai other jaws, pafied (ince that time, it is permitted to Oiip, <bc, fugars, tobacco,
<t'c. of the growth, he of any of your Majefty's plantations in America <bc. from the
• places of their growth, ©r. to any other of your Majeffy's plantations in thofe parts, <bc.
and that ^edthout paying cufom for the fame, either at the lading or unlading the faid com-
modities, by means whereof tie trade and navigation in thofe commodities, from one plan-
tation to another, is greatly incrcafed, and the inhabitants of divers of thofe colonies, not
contenting themfelves ivith being fupplisd ivith thofe co'mmodities^for their o'^..vn vfe, free
from all ciijioms [vjhWsxViQ fobjeds of this your kingdom of England have paid great
cuiloms and impofitions for what of them have been fpenl here) but, contrary to the exprefs
letter of the aforefaid lanus, have brought into divers parts of Europe great quantities
Thereof, and do alfo vend great quantities thereof to the fnipping of other nations, who
bring them into divers parts o^ Europe, to the great hurt and diminuti6n of your Majefty's
cujTionis, and of the trade and navigation of this your kiBgdom ; for the prevention there-
of, <tc.

The 7th and ^rhlVilliam III. Chap, 2*, intituled, " An aff for preventing frauds, and
legulraing abv.fes in the plantation trade," recites that, " notvviUiitanding divera ads, 6^.

C gri-'at

g

The farmer's LETTERS.

\vbich all together amount to a very condderable fum, and contribute to the fup]5Gi't of
government: But this is merely a confequence arifing from reftricfiions, tliat only meant
to keep peace,, and prevent confufion ; and furely a man would argue very idofcly, vho
ihouid conclude from hence, that the King has a right to 'levy money in general upon
hisfubjeds. 'Never did the BritiJ]j Parliament, till the period abovementioned, think,
of impofing duties in 'A7nerlca, for the purpofe of ra'tfng a reveniLS, Mr. Cretiville
firfl: introduced this language, in the preamble to the ^th ofCeorgelll. Chap. i5,v/hich
has thefe words, " And whereas it is jufl and necefiary that a reveiiti'e he raifed i?ijour
Majefiy''s [aid dominions in America, for defraying the expencts of defendir£, prdtefi-
hig, and fi'curing the faint; :' 'Wt jo-ar Majefly'-s moft dutiful and Joyal fubjeds, the
Commons of Great-Britain, in Parliament aflembled, being deiirous to make lome pro-

.->;..-■■ ■•■ vifion

great abufes are daily committed, to the prejudice of the Ertghfli navigation,'anHhe lofs of
a great part of the plantation trade to this kingdom, by the artifice and cioiniug of ill
diipofed perfons ; for rc'iuedywhereof, ij.c. And whereas in fome of his Majefty's American
plantations, a doubt or mifconftrudion has arifen upon the before mentioned ad, made ia
the 2jth year of the reign of King C/;27r/(?/ 11. whereby certain duties are laid upon the
commodities therein enumerated (wiiich by law maybe tranfpoited from one plantation to
another, for the fupply of each others wants) as r/tlie lame were, by the payment of thofe
duties in one plantation, difcharged from giving the fecurities intended by the aforefaid
adts, made in the lath, azd and 23d years of the reign of King Charles II. and confequent-
ly be at liberty to go to any foreign market in £?;ro/>e, <t!c.

The 6th y^;;//i?. Chap. 37, reciting the advancement of trade, and encouragement of
fnips of war, 'be grants to the captors the property of all prizes carried into Avierica^
fubjeftto fuch cuitoms and duties, as if the fame had been firft imported into any part of
Great Britain, and from thence exported, eye.

This was iLgift to perfoi2s ading uTzder commiflons fro7n the Croivn, and therefore it was
reafonable that the terms prefcribedin that gift, fliould be complied with — more efpecially
as the payment of fuch duties was intended to give a preference to the produflions oi Bri-
tif} colonies, over thofe of other colonies. However, being found inconvenient to the
colonies, about four years afterwards, xh.\%^&. w^i, for that reafon, fo far repealed, that
by another ait " all prize goods, imported into any part oi Great-Britain, from any of the
plantations, were made liable to fuch duties only in Great-Britain, as in cafe they had
been of the growth and produce of the plantations."

The 6Lh George II. Chap. 1:3, which impofes duties on foreign rum, fugar and melafTes,
imported into the colonies, fhews the reafons thus — " Whereas the welfare and profperity
of your Majefty's fugar colonies in America, arc of the ^reatefl confequence and impoitance
to the trade, navigation and flrength of this kingdom ; and whereas the planters of the
faid fugar colonies, have of late years fallen into fuch great difcouragemcnts, that they
are unable to improve or carry on the fngar trade, upon an equal footing with the foreign
fugar colonies, ivithoutfome advantage and relief be given to ihetnfrorn Great-Britain ',for
remedy 'whereof and for the good and -welfare of your Majejifs fuhjeCts,'' 'be.

The a9th George II. Chap. 36, and the ill George III, Chap. 9, which continue the 6th
George II. Chap. 13, declare, thatthefaid acH: hath, by experience, been found ufful s.r\d
beneficial, iyc. Thcfe are all the moft confiderable ftatutes relating to the commerce of
the colonies ; and it is thought to be utterly unnecelTary to add any obfervations to thefc
extrads, to prove that they weie all intended j^/^/j as regulations of trade.

The farmer's LETTERS. 7

vlfion In this prcfeot fefiion of Parliament, toivards ralftng the fa'id rsvinue in Amsricat
have refolved to give aad gra/it unto yourMajeily the ieveriil rates and duties herein
after mentioned, cxc.

A FEW months after came the Stamp- Acl, which reciting this, proceeds in the fame
■flrange mode of eKprefiion, thus — And whereas it is juft and neccffiiry, that provifion
be made for raijing a further revenue luithin your Majejly^s domi}iio7is i?i America,
toiuards defraying the fid expences, we your Majefty's moft dutiful apii(ipyal fubjedls,
the CQvnno7is o/" Great-Britain, <bc. give zadgra/it," vjc. as before.

The lall: a£t, granting duties upon paper, ,6"^. carefully purfi-ies thefe modern pre-
cedents. The preamble is, '" Whereas it is expedient that a, revenue flooidd he raifei
in your Majefiy''s do7ninions in America, for making a more certain and adequate pro-
vijiou for defraying the charge of the ad?/iinif ration ofjufice, and the fupport of civil
governme7it in fucb provinces, 'where it f?all be found neceJJ'ary ; a7id toivards the fur-
ther defrayi72g the expences of defending, protefti7ig a7id fecuring the faid do7ninions,
we your Majefcy's moft dutiful and loyal fubjefls, the Cpnunons of Great-Britain, <bc,
givezaA grafit, 6^^." as before, ., .--ii -. ., ;•.:■; .^j -

Here we may obferve an authority exprefsly elailned ^nd, exerted to impofe duties on
thefe colonies; not for the regulation of trade; not for the prefervation or promotion
of a mutually beneficial intercourfe between the feveral conflituent parts of the empire,
heretofore xkiz fole ohjefis of Parliamentary iaftitutionsj^ but for the ftngle purpofe of
levying mo7iey upon us.

This I call an innovation*-; and . a moH; dangerous innovatlQn. It may perhaps be
cbjefled, that Great- Britain hn'i a right to lay what ,dus,ies flie pleafes upon h.?r ex-
ports f, and it makes no difference to us, whether they a.re paid here or there. ,

To this I anfv/er. Thefe colonies require many things for their ufe, which the
laws oi Great-Britain prohibit them from getting any where but from her. Suck are
papeYaad glafs.

That we may legally be iDpund to j>ay any £if';?^r^./ dutie^^ ccmmodltles',

relative to the regulation of trade, is granted ; but we being ohlige^ hy her lams to take
them from 6'r£'<?/-i>V/V<7/«, a^y ^tft-/<9/ dutieiS imppied on their exporution /o a/ °'^h^y,

* " It Is worthy obfervationhow quietly fublidies, granted in forms ufual and accujlom-
izhle (though heavy) are borne; fuch a power hath ufe and cuftoni. On tlve other (ide,
what difcontentments and difturbances fublidies ^/>-(?;A'fr//n a new moulddo raife (ftich^^
inbred hatred novelty doth hatch ) is evident by examples of former times." , ■?

V Lord Coke's, ad Inftitute, p. 35. -.:

ffcf Some people think that Great-Britain has the fame right to impoie duties on the e:§c-
^orts to thefe colonies, as on the exports to Spain and Portugal, <tic. Such perfons attend'
fo much to the idea of exportation, that they entirely drop that of tl?e conne£iio7i beimee7T
the Motber country and her colo7iies. If Great-Britain had always claimed, and exer»
clfed an authority to compel Spain and Portugal to import manufadures from her only,
the cafe would be parallel : But as (he never pretended to fuch a right, they are at liberty
to get them where they pleafe ; and if they chufe to take them from her, rather than froni
Qihernations, they yolontarily confent to pay the denies impofe.d on them.. .

g,, ,, TiiVFARrvifirs LETTERS.

W//^ inuMn'U ratfe n revenue frc^n us only, are as:muc^.^^>:iM;;pJo^^U3^,^.^|Ji^

irnpofed by the' 5/«?/?/'-y^^. ■ , . i ' V" i* ' •' V j -"

Wh.t is the difference m fuhjlance and r/^.^/, whether the fame fum ,s raifed upon

us by the rates mentioned in the Stamp-Aa, on the ufsoi pap.r or by thele dimes,

ton the Importatiori of it ? It is. only the edition of a former book, Ihiiimg a fenteiice

'from the <f//<i' to the 3r^/«>>/«<^: ' ^ " n '• • ' ■ '' ' -'

' StiprosE the duties were made payable m<7r.?«^/ir/.'W :■ -^urufa,-,

It^ (lEnifics nothing to us, whdtket: ihey- a?e to- be-paid here or there Had the
Slcnnp Aa direaed^ that all the paa.r fnovild be. landed at f/jr/.^:?, and tfce dU'jesp.nd
♦here before it was brought „to the B.nt!jh cobnies, would the a(.\ have ^niifgd .tffs
jr.orey upon us, or have been lefs- deftrcdive of our rights ? ,By no means : For ^s we
were under a neceffity of ufing the paper, we ihould have been under_ the ne^tffi^^ pf
paying the duties. ThiiS, in the;prefent cafe, a like neccfjUy wul fubjcdl i|s, if tbs^ a(fl
continues in force, to the payment -of the duties now impcfid. _ . ^■,- Vav^s •.t.iv .
• Why was tli« Smnp-Aa tbfen foi^rniewus to freedom ? It^did pot eiii^^,,,^th^, every
man in the Colonies /7..«/i buya certain quantity of paper-No :, ft only ducp^^Uat
no inftrument of writing fliould be valid in law,, if not made on flamped paper, i^c. ,,^

The makers of that aft knew fail well, that the confufions that would anfe from
the difufe of writings, would r.;;;/..f the colonies to ufe the llamped paper, anq iner j-
forc to pay the taxes impofed. For tlfis reafoiv the ^/^;//,^.^^ was faid to be a^.la^v
that JJd execute ttf.lj . Fot the very iame. realbn^-th^ h&.^ pf Par^iajnent, ifit
is granted-tovhave any fbrce here, miU exieut^. /^//;-^an4.wi!i Ipe. att^end^d^ Ytl?)'^^
very farae'-e6nfe<3uen.C€& to Atneric-an. liberty .'.-,->,v^ -!>_■;; J-,3->,b;-.; '■,■•.'}- \.-:... •>;.■.••: ;.;•

Some petfons perhaps may fay, thair,thi^ ^ *aysr»s,j^'fipr,_n^ necefe JP pay ,t,ie
dut-3 impofed, becaufe wemay onrfelvea manh/aaure th? axticks on which ilie^^ are
laid; whereas by the 5/^^///-^^ no inftrument .of writing could be good, unleis rnade

on ir/i"//^ paper, and that too (lamped. ■ , ' .^^■^■-- -q.^ : :x^--> > V;'.'^ 'ir^^y^;^.^
: $xjc«>arobjeaioii amounts to no more.-tfeap *,g, -thgt ^e.m^
colonies, from the total difufe of BriVjh paper and .ghrs, lydl . not be yp..7^fe as
tft^it vvhieiv Vould hayeTefnlted-^fr«Ti^'the:t<«al dii^fe.<^f-^it^S amQng.them; ^qr by
th'at^riieansfeven the5/^;«/^-^^bligbt have: bpei.,d.adfd..^ Why- then ws it ymverfajfjr
detefted by them as flaVeryitf^lf? Becaa^feit p^ef^nted _ta^ th^e ^devoted P'^:vinees^no-
thina bura cholx:e* of calatnities, imb}tteve<i:by md^g.iuic5,^each of ^^vhtcl^ u V/^
^.^^ ^-men t^ bear. But is,^^inj..7^.^v;ohgon^r^^^

our light-.

Vicney Upori uu <voiihoui our cmfetit^t ■\ .;•.; .. /. :■,..., ■ ; -, i nl v.'ix'^'^M ''d- ^V? iJ'/'£,V£

- ^TH^r t;ov,ld bi' making r>^>^^ to confiili- aot-ia *) exfw.pt^.«v(fQ^-^i^.«Cl':..,>u^ fropi
^^■ttrX&rd d^gfeecf injury. ''>'- ^--^f- i-'i^- x';^ "' ■'"" *>',-.,.-, ;.Oi ,r -. / •; v . ;. .' . -
^^"^ Either the ^iAA of wjiting, or the paymeftt of ta^cs impofed by others 'without cur

Confent,

The farmer s LETTERS. 9

But the obje<5l:ors may further fay, that we fliall fuffer no injury at all by the difufe
of Britijh paper and gfafs. We might not, if we could make as niuch as we want.. But
Can any man, acquainted with America, beHeve this poffible ? I am told there are but
two or three Glafs-Houfes on this continent, and but very few Paper-Mills ; and
fuppofe more fiiould be eredled, a long courfe of years muft elapfe, before they can ba
brought to perfe<5lion. This continent is a country of planters, farmers, and {iuiermen ;
not of manufa<n:ur€rs. The difficulty of eftabiiihing particular manufadures in fuch a
country, is almoft infuperable. For one manufadlure is conneded with others in fuch a
manner, that it may be faid to be impofEble to eftahhfti one or two, without efl:ablifl.iing
fcveral others. The experience of many nations may convince us of this truth,

T.NEXPREssiBLE therefore muft be our diftrefles in evading the late afls,, by the difufe
of BritJJj paper and glafs. Nor will this be the extent of our misfortune, if we admit
the legality of that a<5t.

Great-Britain has prohibited the manufafturing iron ^.nd Jleel in thefe colonies,
^without any objedion being made to her rig hi of doing it. The like right die muft have
to prohibit any other manufafture among us. Thus Ihe is poffefi'ed of an undifputed
precedent on that point. This authority, (he will fay, is founded on the original inter.'
tion of fettling thefe colonies ; that is, that (he fhould manufacture for them, and that
they fhould fupply her with materials. The equity of this pohcy, ihe will alfo fay, has
been univerfally acknowledged by the colonies, who never have made the leaft objedion
to ftatutes for that purpofe ; and will further appear by the mutual bene^ts. flowing from
this ufage, ever fince the fettlement of thefe colonies. •/>:;.-

Our great advocate^ Mr. Pitt:, in his fpecches oa the debate coijcerping the. repeal of
the "S"/*?;///-^*^, acknowledged, that Great-Britain could reftrain our-inanufaftures. His
words are thefe — " This kingdom, as the fupreme goveining and legiflative poiver, has
alivays bound the colonies by her regulations and rejlriflions in trade, in navigation, in
munufadures — in every thing, except that of taking their money out of their pockets^ '
*iuithout their cotifent." Again he fays, •' We may bind their trade, confine the-ir inanw
fa&ures, and exercife every power whatever, except that of taking i heir money out of
their pockets, nuithout their confent."

Here then, my dear countrymen, roufe yourfelves, and behold the ruin hanging
over your heads. If you ONCE admit, thzx. Great-Britain may lay duties upon her
exportations to us, for the purpofe of levying money on us only, fhe then will have no-
thing to do, but to lay thofe duties on the articles which Ihe prohibits us to manufa^hire — ■
and the tragedy of American liberty is finished . We have been prohibited from proi
curing manufaijtures, in all cafes, any where but ^rova Great-Britain (exce|)ting linens,
which we are permitted to import diredly from Ireland.) We have been prohibited,
in fonie cafes, from manufafturing for ourfelves ; and may be prohibited in others. We
are therefore exactly in the fitnatiort of a city beiieged, which is furrounded by the
works of the befiegers in every part hut one. H.that is doled up, no ftep ca.n be taken,
hut to furrender at difcretion. If Great-Britain can order us to, come to, her for
DecefTaries wc want, and can order us to pay what taxes flie pleafes before w§ take thera

D ^ away,

' ■,***a--U^^''*-'

, <ro . Th e F a lilVi iL ^' s LETT E R S.

a\vay, or when we land them here, we arfe as'abjeft flaveS.aa Fran£e^. ssniiPoln nd.ciiVi
ihew in wooden flioes, and With uncGmbed-hai-P*-;'. :- J-^p .^..-o \ ,;. c'/as; v-rj-iv :;i-.!'w

Pe-r-haps the nature of the «a'Ci?j;/7?/V/ of-^d^petlriant ftatfes, <airfedby!tbe pc^ncy olfiir^
a governing one, for her own benefit, may be elucidated by a fa-6l:meDcioneki, in hifb>ry>i:f
V/hen the CarthagtJiians were pofTeffed of the'iflandof SardiNta,-. they made/a 3ecree,::!
that the Sardiniatis &\QM\d not iaife (Tsr^?, nor get it any other way. than from the Cdr^'i
thagir.ians. Then, by impofing any duties they- would upoo it, they drained from tlte^
niiferable 5ir</;«fa;sr/'a-ny'fu'tt)5dhey ^leafed whenever that oppiefied. people nuade '

the leaft movement to^aflei't- their liber^ty; thei*^ tvframs ftaft^ed thenr ta:deajik.ociiibaiJik)"i
iion. This may%e called" the ^&(f '^erfevS k1ti'd<>f ^iitlcal neceffitji; ' ." v.M-rVv v,^-sV^ >'

From what hasbeen faid, I think this tiftcontrovertibte conchifionRiaybe; deduced,! o
that when a ruling ftate obii-ges a depeiMant ftate t6 take certain commodities from her*o
alone, it is implied in thee nature 6f that obligation ; is elTentially requifite to give icft
the ieafl: degree of juftice;- -and H- iflfepaFably united v/ith it, in order to prelerve^ any x;
fhare of freedom' to- the depehdailtiliate ; that thofe'-oct^mmodltm Jlydiild never ie-ioa'ded^ix.
(with duties, for the fole purpofe of levying inotiey on the dependant fate. ''' -'- r.qc:

Upon tlie whble^ thefmgle ^jueftioh is, w1ieriT."er 'the Patdlaraent can iegaily-imp'ore
daties to. be pa'td'by the people of fh'efe c^l!)^ie-s'eni},'f<iP the' fois purpofe :of raijing-adi
revenue, on commodities' i\ihich'fje Obliges us to take from- her alane, or, in other Sv"
words, whether the ParKamenteaii'-legaHy take money-outjqPoiirpoc^ets^ 'wkhoat our
coofent. If they eah/ our boafted liberty is but- "■.'ir/.auno":' yd :'.",!-:.•-;:' •■•'iVf;-. V .:• ■
•'■ -•■■^'■''- ip'^- ='V->u '^ po:i et pfietereH tlihity-^'J^^':)'^ ,83inolo3 L;i3nJ io ihuhQ.QO 2li

-•■■1 GJ^",iiib xsdJ s£ SniiiKA^fijunvi,'aiidnflotfeita'g-*lfei?iaoioo-9dj lA^uO < saT^i Jula'^a?

,1 OJ " elslbssn si 3i__ll •; yinuTul 'io sJrovs, s.-JOJiunolArf: E) A^.^sMcEt'KUi'-i

\.ii~a ssi:ix p.^n-'otoo 3jdjl0 7yoJ7Sffad sdj '\l nsrii 8i5lbf=5a ss, ?;■./.• J; ,%vo t ' sirig-it

':';:.s Jn3b-r;q V I lEJtp-? ad [uvr j; ■ o^J* hl'ii\iyjj\:.. r)^:^ . -^-.^rb ?yoi7oig

■" — — ■ ' DO >^r.7i> LUB ihl'lnJ.W l^ t.'..\^'^ 'J'.i. 'iVl'^h Tim.'"tj. ',"' ' ' ■'. ill ^frfci

Jnov^ 5~i-, . '„.^.tt jtid ,no:ii.3t isf^.o on to'i Ji-ov< j;,!: ;:. ....4 Lloofft ^hat
• .' jrl: Io 3vtln3rl37qtj£. 61 , o-i£ orfv/ -paraslHisG adi "..-ifnfn-jj br^ sJoii *' 01 g/i

■ r.vH :!r<^J■^•-: I- -rv- ■,•.-,, «„| jon.ifcri saonuYsiTg jjidi .rfnidt vad-J h ,n3A;flim dasafi
-: Afy i:/^jr; COUNTR YIV^^.Nj,; -> ei jsriv/ ..r.amalinsO sV.j h,.-. won ^aiw I:
■' ■ ■■ ■■- :.iv. .:.i'" i:' '>iv;r';.G '■(■!: ^' . .\ • -^ V ^j

IREJOieEto-findthat my two foKncc ietjcrs fcp, you, hajrjEbpen. generally receiyed^toiq
vith .fo much fa»:our:by,fuch. of .yaUjjwhQft f^tipier^tSylfe^T^^had an opportunity, ^jj^.
of knowing. Could you look into my heart, you would Inflanily perceive a zealous ,,j.j
attachmenti^tf yoai intercfts; and a Uyelyrlrcfeatro_€n?tp^':eT§ry. itjfi\k.^4 inji^ry o|feJ6d5^•
toyoa," to be the motives that haTeeogagcd nie ^oiaddriefftiyftUKi c.; li.ti,,. ,i .j..;.,j. i:r:.^

^ _ ^ ^.v?ir':'^/;r*5£/:'t ^,-j; /;r:T*;(uu,j ,cV,[)v«id ^/Jhivi-: .-Viijiii, . c^V,- - V»

* fTJie peafants of France wear wooden (hoes ; and the rairais of Polanaziz rcmarRaole ~
for matted hair, which aerer cac be combed. ' , ,

The^PARMER's letters. ir

'. I AM iio farther coTicer&ed in. any'ithing afFeding Ainsrica, than any one of you; and
when liberty leaves it, f can quit it much ^niore conveniently th,in mod of you: But,
while; Disfioe P-r^sacTence, that gave me exigence in a land of freedom, permits my head
toxhtnk, myriips to fpaak, and my hand to. move, I Ihall fo highly and gratefully value
the bleiling: received, as to take care, that niy filence and iHaaivity Ihall not give my
impiitfd-a{Ient.to any aavdegrading my brethren and, myfelf from, the birthright, \^\iziz-
wich Heaven itfeif ;".i^M ?/?^72/3 S-f./^*^!?*':' 2t>:'i.:.' :■:,-. -r-r.-. \i -. •;:. _ ;

' rSQ-RFiY.:ianrtosJcarn,.Mhati£hererafe. fem^t/ftv^,J«rfpqs,,,\<^]|o,%K^:t^e>r heads v/ith
fo4:emJi.raatioa^^.-aiidipretend;.tOfAvondftt^,; V:bat c?p-.':h?, tke meaftipg of thefe Letters.
" Great-Britain;' t^eyiiay, I'r'.is too :^oiv?r-f4 :tiQ .cort^end witk; ilie^js determined to
oppE^l3His;::k-^8-,innvairi;tQfpeakof.vigktPf> one lide, whe^ -there: is^ power on the
ot'hcir ^.wl^en we.are ftrong enough to i-^fift,. .we^^^'l attempt it ; but now Nse are. not ,
flcortgr^enoEgfe; anduherefore w« had l^It^r be quiet ; ^t^figalfies, nothing to cojivince.
us-.'tbatTOur rights are invaded, Whm;N<e .cannot- .d.efcn:d,thjeni j... and, if^^ .feould.get ,-
intaxiots and.tnmiik-3 ^bout lii^ kte --^^.x i^ .will \^ dra\i^ .4(j\vii.; .heavier ::difpl9afure,ii

upon U3." ,^\<.V^ tv.T-,'l'='.';--'_ii: ■.■,;\\ ■■-'.> s;^:^';-,'.^ ■^iiWtvvM ^-i v;,\-^,i5_\ *„\'i\ *\"'.

aWorArr,' Jdap; fuch -— - - -— . .. -^ - -^— ^ .

this-^" that th-efe
with humble refi^Tir. , ,..., ... r r r n rj

Are thefe men ignorant^ that ufu|:pation?,wlTacUfn.Jghtha^a been iacceisluily oppoied
at firft, acquire ftrength by continuance, and; thus bec<>nie krefiftable i Gp^bey condemn.,
the conduft of thefe ^colonies, concerning t^e.^i^w/'-^'^^:/;^ Or have they forgot its {v\c-
cefsful ilTue ? Ought the colonies^i^at^that-.iintei.- inftead.ofl^aaing as they did, ^to have
trufted for relief,': tot the,\fortuitous events of futurity ? If it is needlefs " to fpeak of
rights" now, it was as needlefs then. If the behaviour of the colonies was prudent and
glorious then, and fuccefsful too ; it will be equally prudent and glorious to aft in the
fame manner now, if oarTights are eqnaHy imtail«h andraay be as fuccefsful.— Tlitre- - -
fore it becomes necelTary to enquire, whether our rights are invaded. To talk of " de-
fending" them, as if they could be no. otherwlfe .'.' defeniled" than by arms, is as much
out of the way, as if a, man, havinghjs choice cf feveraj ror.ds to je^ch his journey's
end, fhould prefer the worff, for no other reafont' but Bccaufe ft li th'e worft.

As to «' riots and tumults," the Gentlemen who arc {o apprehenfive of them, are
na^ich miflaken, if they think that grievances cannot be redreiTcd without fiich alRilpce.
. I WILL now tell the Gentlemen, what is " the nifeaning of. thefe letterSJ"- Thtt/iiear.-
ing of them is, to contince the people of thefe colonies, that they are at this moment ex- _
pofedto the molt imminent dangers ; and to' perfaade them immediately.ArgQroBfry, Jr^ t"
unanlmouPryrifti 't&eH themfelvesi itt the nioft^£im, bat raotl peaceable flianneit, LioE^idx- 1
taimng reKeF: V'^='-^---; ■ ■ ' ■' - ^'- ^'^v -■^-^-A {-^ •- .. - ^- ■ ; . ''vor'. -^:r>....f=i m

The caufe-of ithirijM acSBife of -t«o much .dignity,'' to beTalliedfib)'^ tiKrbttlen<*e!!,t'-.-r
and tumult. It ought to be' triaintained in a-^mayineri flfltabk.;co:her natuterd Thofe vj
who'ehgage in it, fliould breathe a fedate, yet fervent fpirit, animating them to aaions
©f prudeoce. jafticp, niQ,defty,, j^ravery,, humaniij a&4 magnanimity. '^ ^

12 Thr farmer's letters.

To fuch a wonderful degree were the antient Spartans, as hrave and free a people
as ever exifted, infpired by this liappy temperature of foul, that rejeding, even in their
battles, the ufe of trumpets, and other inlfruments for exciting heat and rage, they
marched up to fcenes of havock and horror *, with the found of flutes, to the tunes of

which their fteps kept pace, " exhibiting," as Plutarch fays, " at once a terrible

and delightfiil light, and proceeding, with a deliberate valour, full of hope, and good
alTurance, as if fome Divinity had fenfibly affifted them."

I HOPE, my dear Countrymen, that you v/ill, in every colony, be upon your guard
againft thofe, who may at any lime endeavour to ftir you up, under pretences of patri-
otifm, to any meafures difrefpe<^ful to our Sovereign, and our Mother-country. Hot,
rafli, diforderly proceedings, injure the reputation of a people, as to wifdom, valour,
and virtue, without procuring them the leaft benefit. I pray God that he may be
pleafed to infpire you, and your pofterity, to the Jateft ages, with a fpirit of which I
have an idea, that I find a difficulty to exprefs. To exprefs it in the beft manner I
can, I mean a fpirit that fhall fo guide you, that it will be impofiible to determine whe-
ther an Jtfierica?i's character is moft difiinguifhable, for his loyalty to his Sovereign,
his duty to his Mother-country, his love of freedom, or his afFedion for his native
foil.

Every government, at fome time or other, falls into wrong meafures. This may
proceed from miftake or paffion. But every fuch meafure does not diflblve the obliga-
tion between the governors, and the governed. The miftake may be corredcd ; the
paffion may fubfide. It is the duty of the governed, to endeavour to redify the mif-
take, and to appeafe the paffion. They have not at firft any other right, than to repre-
fent their grievances, and to pray for redrefs, unlefs an emergence is fo preffing, as rot
to allow time for receiving an anfwer to their applications, which rarely happens. If
their applications are difregarded, then that kind o{ oppojition becomes juflifiable, which
can be made without breaking the laws, or difturbing the public peace. This confifts in
the prevention of the opprejj'ors reaping advantage from their oppreffiom, and not ia
their punifhment. For experience may teach them, what reafon did not; and harlh
methods cannot be proper, till milder ones have failed.

If at length it becomes undoubted, that an inveterate refolution is formed to annihi-
late the liberties of the governed, the Englif? hiftory affords frequent examples of
refiftance by force. What particular circumftances will in any future cafe juftify fuch
refiftance, can never be afcertained, till they happen.. Perhaps it may be allowable to
fay generally, that it can never be juftifiable, until the people z.xs fully convinced that
any further fubmiffion will be deftrudive to their happinefs.

When the appeal is made to the fword, highly probable is it, that the puniffimcnt
vj\\[ exceed the offence ; and the calamities attending on war out-weigh thofe preceding
it. Thefe confiderations of juflice and prudence, -will always have great in^uence with
«ood and wife men.

^ T«

* Plutarch in the life oi L^-curguj, Arcbbifliop Petfers Archseologia Graeca.

The ]?ARMER's LETTERS. 13

To thefe refledlions on this fubjeft, it remains to be added, and ought for ever to be

Yemerabered, that refiftance, in the cafe of colonies againft their Mother country, is

extremely different from the refiftance of a people againil their Prince. A nation inay

change their King, or race of Kings, and, retaining their antient form of government,

te gainers by changing. Thus Great-Britain, under the illullrious houfe of Brur.f-

' 'nvick, a houfe that feeltis to flourish for the happinefs of mankind, has found a fclicitj',

i, unknown in the reigns of the Steivarts. But if once "av are feparated from our Motlier

" couhtry, \vliat new form of government ftiall we adopt, or where fliall we find. , another^

^ ^/Britain,' to fupply ourlofs ? Torn from the body, to w'hich we are united by religion^

■' liberry, laws,alf^flions, relation, language and commerce, we muf^ bleed at every vein,

***^ '■ In" truth-— tiie profperity of thefe provinces is founded in their dependance on Grcat-

g '., Britain ; and when (he returns to her *' old good humour, and her old good nature,"

>,'^' as' Lord Clarendon expreffesit, I hope tliey will always think it their duty and intereir,

* as it mofl certainly will be, to promote her welfare by all the means in their power.

''*^' AVe cannot aft with too much caution in our difputes. Anger produces an^er ; and

'■'"^•difference's, that might be accommodated, by kind and refpeftf^ul behavicur, may, by

"**'' rmprudence, be enlarged to an incurable rage. ■ In .quarrels between countries, as \vell

as in thofe between individuals, when they liave rifen to a certain height, the firfl caufi

of difl'enfion is no longer remembered, the minds of the parties -fceing wholly engaged

in recollefting and refenting the mutual;expref^ons of their difiikc. When feuds have

readied that fatal point, all confiderations of reafon and equity vanifli ; and a blind fury

governs, or rather confounds all things-, A people no longer regards their interefr, but

the gratification of their wrath. The fw^y of . the Cleans* and Cl'jdiui\^ the defigning

-■ and deteftahle flatterers' of r.\iQ prevailing pajjion, becomes confirmed. Wife and good

** , men in -vifain oppofe the ftorm,- and' nay think themfulves fortunate, if, in attempting to

*3'' preferye their ungrateful fello^v citizens, they do not ruin themfelves. Thsir prudence

■iB,'\v\\\ be called bafenefs ; their moderation will be called ^^'///'/ir ; and if their virtue d-oes

*** not lead them to deflruction, as that, of rpany other great and excellent perfons.has

^^'''rfone, they may furvive to. receive from their expiring country tlie mournful gloVy of

^,_her acknowledgment, that their coujiftrls, if regarded, would have favcd her.

'-Wfn'^rr'HE conflivutional modes. of obtaining relief, are thofe which I ^vifh to fee purfued

on the prefent occaiion ; that is, by petitions' of cur AfTemblies, or where th^y are fioc

permitted to meet, of tlie people, to the poy/.^rs .iliat can afTord us relief.

We have an excellent Prince, in whofe good difpofitions towards us. we may confifjC.

' We have a generous, fenfible ar^d liumanej'iition, to whom we may apply. The}' may

be deceived, -they may by artfui-nien, be provoked tp anger againft us. I cannot believe

^*-'- they will be cruel or -unjuft, ; oritiiftt tbeij anger will, be implacable. Let us behave

like dutiful (:bildren,vwh0'h^ye,ifeceive.di|,n.m^rited blows from , a -beloved parent. Let

'- ■ -tid^ complain tQ our parent ;,, but let.our .complaints fpeak at the flime,tijiie the language

of afHiction and veneration. - .- _ j__

* Clean was a popular fireo^nd ov Athem, and Clodiia oT Rome; each of whom plunged
his country into the deepcil calaimties. ,,.,'. ;,/.;;'";, ;,;';,-;■ .-,,•: <■

E"'' ' ' '■' '' ■ '"''"■' *■

14 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

If, however, it fliall happen, by an unfortunate courfe of affairs, that our applications
to liis Majefty and the Parliament for redrefs, prove ineffedual. Jet us then take another
Jlept by withholding from Great-Britain all the advantages (he has been ufed to receive
from us. Then let us try, if our ingenuity, induftry, and frugality, will not give weight
to our remonftrances. Let us all be united with one fpirit, in one caufe. Let us in-
vent— let us work — let us fiive — let us, continually, keep up our claim, and inceflantly
repeat our complaints — But, above all, let us implore the protedion of that infinitely
good and gracious Being, " by whom Kings reign, and Princes decree juftice*."
Nil defperandiim.
Nothing is to be defpaired of.

A FARMER,

* Prov. viil. 15,

LETTER IV.

My dear Countrymen,

AN objedlion, I hear, has been made againfl my fecond letter, which I would
willingly clear up before I proceed. " There is," fay thefe objedorr, " a material
difference between the Stajnp-Jcl and the late ad for laying a duty on paper, ^c. that
juftifies the conduit of thofe who oppofed the former, and yet are willing to fubmit to
the latter. The duties impofed by ihtStanip-J^I were internal taxes ; but the prefent
are external, and therefore the Parliament may have a right to impofe them."

To this I anfwer, with a total denial of the power of Parliament to lay upon thefe
colonies any " tax" whatever.

This point, being fo important to this, and to fucceeding generations, I wifli to be
clearly underflood.

To the word " /<7.v," I annex that meaning which the conftitution and hiftory of
England require to be annexed to it ; that is — that it is a7i ijnpojtion on the fubjeSl,
for the fole piirpofe of levying money.

In the early ages of our monarchy, certain fervices were rendered to the Crown /or
the general good. Thefe were perfonal * : But, in procefs of time, fuch inftitutions

being

* It is very worthy of remark, how watchful our wife anceftors were, left their fervices
fhould be encreafed beyond what the law allowed. No man was bound to go out of the
realm to ferve the King. Therefoie, even in the conquering reign of Henry the Fifths

when

The farmer's LETTERS. i^

being found inconvenient, gifts and grants of their own property were made by the
people, under the feveral names of aids, tallages, taflcs, taxes and fubfidies, 6c. Thefe
were made, as may be colleded even from the names, for public fervice upon " need
and neceffity f." All thefe fums were levied upon the people by virtue of their voluntary
gift:}:. Their defign was to fupport the ?jatio?2al honour and interef. Some of thofe
grants comorehended duties arifing from trade ; being impofls on merchandizes. Thefe
Lord Chief Juftice Coke clafles under " fubfidies/' and " Parliamentary aids." They
are alfo called '' culloms." But whatever the na7ne was, they were always confidered
as gifts of the people to the Cronvn, to be e?//ployed for public tifes.

Commerce was at a low ebb, and furprizing inftances might be produced how little
it was attended to for a fucceffion of ages. The terms that have been mentioned, and,
among the reft, that of " tax" had obtained a national. Parliamentary meaning, drawn
from the principles of the conftitution, long before any E7iglifiiian thought of ijnpo-

Jition of duties, for the regulation of trade.

Whenever

when the martial fpii it of the nation was highly enflamed by the heroic courage of their Prince,
and by his great fuccefs, they ftill carefully guarded againit the eltabliihment of illegal
fervices. " When this point (fays Lord Chief Juftice Coke ) concerning maintenance of
wars out oi England, came in queftion, tlie Cojumons did mak^ xhz'n continual claim of
their antient freedom and birthright, as in the firftof Henry the Fifth, and in the feventli
of Henry the Fifth, Sec. the Covnnons made a P R O T E S T, that they were not bound to
the maintenance of war in Scotland, Ireland, Calice, France, Normandy, or other foreign
parts, and caufed their PROTESTS to be entered into the Parliament rolls, where they
yet remain ; which, in eff"e6t, agreeth with that which, upon like occafion, wab made in
the Parliament oi' zsth Edivard I." zd Inft. p. 528.

t 4th Inft. p. 38.

1 Reges Anglic, nihil tale, nift convocatis primis ordinibus, et afcniiente populo
fufcipiunt. Phil, Comines. sd Inf.

Thefe gifts entirely depending on the pleafure of the donors, were proportioned to the a-
bilities of the feveral ranks of people who gave, and were regulated by their opinion of the
public neceifiiies. Thus Edvjard IAvaA in his iith year a thirtieth fvom the Laity, a
tnventieth from the Clergy ; in his zzd year a tenth from the Laity, a y/.\,'/i from London,
and other coiporate towns, half of their benefices from the Clergy; in his 23d year an
elei'cnth from the Barons and others, a tenth from the Clergy, zfeventh from the Burgeffes^
i!yc. Huvie''s Hiji . of England.

The fame difference in the grants of the feveral ranks is obfervable in other reigns.

In the famous ftatute de tallagio non concedendo, the King enumerates the feveral clafes,
•without whofe confent, he and Ims heirs never (hould fet or levy any tax — " nulhnn tdllagium,
vel auxiliuni per -nos, vel hctredes 7iofros in regno noflro po?iatur feu level ur, Jine volant ate
et af'enfu archiepifcoporu7n, 'epifcoporum, comitum, baronum, viilitun:, burgenjihm, ct
alioruni liberoruni cotn. de reg7io 72ofro." 34th Edivard I.

Lord Chief juftice Coke, in his comment on thefe words, fays — " for the quieting of the
Comnions, and for z perpetual and co}iJla7it laiv for ever after, both in this and other like
cafes, this aft was made." TVitifwords z.\q. plain, v:ithout any fcruple,abfotute, ivithout
a7jy favi7ig.'''' 2d fij/c^'s Inft. p. 532, 533, Little did the venerable judge imagine, that
" other like cafes'' would happen, in which the fpirit of this law would be defpifed by Eng-
lifmien, the pofterity of thofe who made it.

i6 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

WnKN'EVPR we fpeak of " taxes" among EngliJInnen, let us therefore fpeak of them
with reference to the principles on which, and the intentions with which tluy have been
eftabhflied. This will give certainty to our exprefiion, and faftty to our condu<5t :
Bui if, when we have in view the liberty of thefe colonies, we proceed in any other
courfe, we purfue a Juno* indeed, bat Aiall only catch a cloud.

Ik the national. Parliamentary fsnfe infilled on, the word " taxf" was certainly un-
•tlerftood by the congrefs at Ne%v-York, whofe refolves may be faid to form the ^W-
■1-ican " bill of rights."

The third, fourth, fifth, and fixth refolves are thus expreflcd.

III. " That it is infeparahly effential to the fi-eedom of a pe>-ple, and the un-
d-oubted right of EngHJloineny that no tax:}; be impofed on them, hut ivith their oivn
c-onfent, given perlbnaily, or by their reprefentativcs."

■iV. " That the people of the colonies are not, and from their local circumftances,
cannot be leprefented in the Houfe of Commons in Great- Britain:'

V. " That the only reprefentativcs of the people of the colonies, are the perfons
chofen therein by themfelvcs ; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be confu-
tutionally impofed on them, but by their refpeddve legiflatures,"

VI. " That all fupplies to the Croiun, being free gifts of the people, it Is un-
reafonahle, and inconfijhnt nvith the principles and J'pirit of the BritiP.i cotifiilution, for
the people of Great-Britain to grant to his Majcfty the property of the colonies"

PIere is no didindtion made between internal and external taxes. It is evident from
the fiiort reafoniag thrown into thefe refolves, that every impofition " to grant to his
JMajefty the property of the colonies,'" was thought a " tax ;" and that every fuch im-
pofition, if laid any other way, than " with their confent, given perfonally, or by their
reprefentativcs," was not only " unreafcnable, and inconlillcnt with the principles and
Ipirit of 'the i»'r////7;' conftitution," but de{lru(5Live " to the freedom of a people."

This language is clear and important. A " tax" means an ImpoCtion to raife money.
Such perfons therefore as fpeak of internal and external " taxes," I pray may pardon
me, if 1 ol)je6): to that expreffion, as applied to the privileges and interefls of thefe
colonies. There may be internal and external iinpofitions, founded on different prin-
ciples, and having different tendencies ; every " tax" being an impofition, though every
impofition is not a " tax." But all taxes are founded on x.h.&fa:ne principle ; and have
the fame tendency.

External impofitions, for the regulation of our trade, do not "grant to hisMajefty
the property of the colonies ." They only prevent the colonies acquiring property, in
things not necclTary, in a manner judged to be injurious to the welfare of the whole em-
pire.

* The Goddefs o^ Empire, in the Heathen Mytliology; according to an antient fable,
Jxion purfued her, but ihe efcaped in a cloud.

f In this fenfc Montefquieu ufes the word '• tax," in his 13th book of Spirit cf Lav:s.

t The rough draught of the lefolvcs of the congrefs at Nenv-Tork are now in my hands,
and from fome notes on that draught, and other particular rcafors, I am fatisficd, that the
■congrcfa underflood the word " tax" in the fenfehcrc contended for.

The farmer's LETTERS. 17

.pire. But the lafi: ftatute refpeffing ns, ^* grants to his Majefly il:c property cf the
colonies,^'' by hiying duties on the manufadrures of Creat-Britair, which they vriji take,
and which (he fettled them, on purpofe that xhty JJjottld take.

What " tax*'' can be more internal than this_? Here is money drawn, it///''!:/// their
confeiit, from a fociety, who have conftantly enjoyed a conftitutional mode of railing all
money among themfelves. The payment of this tax they have no polTible method of
avoiding ; as they cannot do without the commodities on which it is laid, and they can-
not

* It feems to be evident, that Mr, Pitt, in his defence of America, during ihe debate
concerning the repeal of the Stauip-An, by " inierriat taxes," ni-eani any duties
" f;jr the purpofe of laifing a revenue;" and by "external taxes," meant duties impolcd
*' for the regulation of trade." His expreffions are thefe — "If the Gentleman does not
underftand the di&terce between internal and external taxes, I cannot help it ; but there
is a plain diftindion between taxes levied for the purp^fes of raijing a revenue, and duties
impofed for the regulation of trade, for the accommodation of the fubjedt ; altho', in the
confequences, fome revenue might incidentally aiife from the latter,"

Thele words were m iMr, P/V/'s reply to Mr, 6^;v;n77/e, who laid he could not under-
ftand the difference between external and internal taxes.

In every other part of his fpeeches on that occalion, his words confirm this conftruiSLion
of hisexpreiiions. The following extrads will Ihew how poliiive and general were his
afiertions of our right.

" It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. '' —
■*' The Americans are \\\^.fons, not the bafards ot E?igland. Taxation is no part of the
governingox legiflative pK)wer." — " The taxes are a voluntary gift and grant ot the Com-
mons alone, 111 A'j{//i?//i?-v the //t^^ ellates of the realm are ^/'/.t^' concerned, but the con-
currence of the Peers and the Crou-n to a tax, is only necelTary to clofe with the form of
a law. The gift and grant is o\xh.eCo!n7nons alone." — " 'The ctijiinclion lietivecn Icgijlation
and taxation is ejjentialiy necefary to liberty.'' — " The Commons of America, lepre-
fented in their feveial /^iiembhes, have ever been in poffclfion of the exercife of this their
■conliitutional tight, of giving and granting their onxn money . They ivould have been
SLAVES, if they had not enjoyed it." " The idea, of a. virtual repreknt^uon oi Ame-
rica in this Houfe, is the moft contemptible idea that ever entered into the head of man.—-
It d jes not deferve a ferious refntation."

He afterwards fhews the unrealunablenefs of Great-Britain taxing America, thus —
" When I had the honour of fervmg his Majeity, I availed my felf of the means of iriior-
mation, which I derived from my office, 1 Jpeak therefore fr-cnilinoivledge. jMy niatcriais
were good, I was at pains to colled, to aigejt, to conf.der them ; and I niuil be bold to
affirm, that the profit to Great-Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its
branches, is tvjo jnillions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through
the laft war. The elfates that were rented at two thoufand pounds a year, threefoore years
•ago, are three thoufand pounds at prefent. Thofe elfates lold then from fifteen to eighteen
years purchafe ; the fame may now be fold for thirty, lou onve t-his to America. 'I his is
the price that America pays you for her proieflion." — " I dare not fay how much higher
thefe profits may be augmented." — " Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the Houiii
what is really my opinion ; itis, that the Stamp- Acihe repealed abfulutely, totally, and
immediately. That the reafon for the repeal be alfigned, becauie it was founded on an
vrroneous principle,"

F

in • The farmer's LETTERS.

hot raannfa^lnre tliefe commodities themfelves. Befides, if this unhappy country fhould
be fo lucky as to dais this aft, by getting parchment enough, in the place of paper, or
by reviving the antient method of writing on wax and bark, and by inventing fome-
thing to ferve inftead of glafs, her ingenuity would (land her in little (lead ; for then
the Parliament would have nothing to do but to prohibit fuch manufadlures, or to lay
a tax On Safs and nvooHen cloths, which they have already prohibited the colonies /r^-//?
fiipph'ing each other 'voith ; or on inftruments and tools oi Jieel and iron, which they
have pruhibitcd the provincials from vianufatluring at all*: And then, what little
gold and filver they have, muft be torn from their hands, or they wiJl not be able,
in a faort time, to get an ax f , for cutting their firev/ood, nor a plough, for raifing
their food. In what refpeft, therefore, I beg leave to aOc, is the late atft preferable
to the Stamp- /W, or more conliftent with the liberties of the colonies? For my 6wn
part, I regard them both with equal apprehenfion ; and think they ought to be in the
fame manner oppofed,

HahciHus qidde7>i fe?Tatus confiiltum, —tanquavi gladium in vagina repoJJtuj/i.

We have a ftatute, laid up for future ufe, like a fword in the fcabbard.

A FARMER.

LETTER V.

My dear Countrym:en,

PERHAPS the objedlion to the late adl, impofing duties upon paper, <tc. might
have'been fafely refted on the argument drawn from the univerfal condu<5t of Par-
liaments and Minillers, from the firft exigence of thefe colonies, to the adminiftration
of JNir. Crcjiville.

What but the indifputable, the acknowledged exclufive right of the colonies to tax
thtmfelves, could be the reafon, that in this long period of more than one hundred an4

fifty

* " And xhztpig and bar iron, made in his Majefty's colonies in America, may be fur-
ther manufaciured in this kinjdoin, be it iurther enaftcd bv the authoiity aforefaid, that
fionandaftei the twenty fourth Aa-^ i.,i June, i7JO, no;;////, or other en Jne,ior jjitting
x^r roiling of iron, or ■ss^-^ plating forge, to work with a //// haunuer, or any furnace tor
makiJi'rfeel, fhall be erefted ; oi, aft t fuch ertoion, continued in any tf his MajeJ fs
colonies in Ainerica." 23d '-eorge II, C^hap. 29, St€t. 9.

.f Tho' thefe particulars aie mentioned as being abf )huely necefTary, yet perhaps they
are not morefo than ulafs in our fevere winters, to keep out the cold from our houfgs; or
than paper, Without which fuch ine.xpreilible confulions mull enfue.

The farmer's LETTERS. 19

fifty years, no ftatute was ever pafl'ed for the fole purpofe of railing a revenue on the
colonics ? And how clear, how cogent muft that reafon be, to which every parliament,
and every Minifter, for fo Jong a time fabmitted, without a fingle attempt to innovate l^

England, in part of that courfe of years, zndGreat-Britain, in other parts, was
engaged in feveral fierce and expenfive wars ; troubled with fome tumultuous and bold
Parliaments ; governed by many daring and wicked ^iinilters ; yet none of them ever .
ventured to touch the Palladiutn of American liberty. Ambition, avarice, fadtion, ty-
ranny, all revered it. Whenever it was nccefiary to raife money on the colonies, tJie,
reqaiiitions of .the Crown were made, and dutifully complied v.'ith. The Parliament,
from time to time, regulated their trade, and that of the red of the empire, to prelcrve .
their dependence, and the conncdtion of the whole in good order. ^ y"

The people of Great-Britain, in fupport of their privileges, boafl: much of their
antiquity. It is true they ar^ antient ; yet it may well be queiHoned, if there is a
iingle privilege of a Britijh fubject, fupported by longer, more foleran, or more un-
interrupted telHmony, than thr exclufive right of taxation in thefe colonies. The people
of Great-Britain confider that kingdom as the fovereign of thefe colonies, and would
now annex to that fovereignty a prerogative never heard of before. How would they
bear this, was the cafe their own ? What would they think of a ;/d--u preiogative claimed
, by the Crown ? We may guefs what their condudt would be, from the tranfports of
pafTion into which they fell about the hue embargo, though laid to relieve the moft
emergent necefiities of ilate, admitting of no dtlay; and for which there were numerous
precedents. Let our liberties be treated with the fame .tendernefs, and it is all we defire.
Explicit as the condud of Pijr'iaraeBts, for fo many t^es, ii, to prove that no
money can be levied on thefe colonies by Parliament, for the purpofe of railing a reve-
nue, yet it is not the only evidence in our favour.

Every one of the moll material arguments againft the legality of the Stamp-ASI, ~
operates with equal force againil the a6t now objefted to ; but as they are well known,
it fjems unneceflary to repeat them here.

This general one only Oiall be confidered at prefent : That though thefe colonies "
are dependent on Great- Britain ; and though (lie has a legal power to make laws for
prferving that dependence ; yet it is not necefTary fjr this purpofe, nor eflential to the
relation betw en a Mother country and her colonies, as was e^igerly contended by the
advocates for the Stamp- ACl, that (he (hould raife money on them Vv-ithoiit their confent.
Colonies were formerly planted by warlike nations, to keep their enemies in awe;
to relieve their <::ountrv, overburthened with inhabitants ; or to difcharge a number of
difcontent.-d and troublef 'me citizens. But in more modern ages, the fpirit of violence
being, in fome meafure, if the expreffion may be allovvcd, (heathed in comziierce, colo-
nies have been fettled by the nations of Europe for the purpofes of trade. Thefe
purpofes were to be attained, by the colonies raifmg for their Mother country ihofe
things which (lie did not produce herfclfj and by fupplying themfelvcs from her with
thing', they wanted Thefe were the national ohjeils iji the ccmniencement of our
colonies, and have besi; uoiformly fo in their proniouon»

To .

20 The farmer's LETTERS.

To anfwer thefe grand purpofes, perfedt liberty was known to be neceflary; allhiflory
proving, that trade and freedom are nearly related to each other. By a due regard to
I his wile and jufi: plan, the infant colonies, expofed in the unknown climates and unex-
plored wildetnefles of this new world, lived, grew, and flourilhed.

The Parent country, with undeviating prudence and virtue, attentive to the firft
principles of colonization, drev/ to herfelf the benefits (lie might reafonably expccft, and
preferved to her children the bleffings, on v/hichthofe benefits were founded. She made
Jaws, obliging her colonics to carry to her all thofe produ<fts which flie wanted for her
own ufe; and all thofe raw materials which fhe chofe herfelf to work up. Befides this
redridion, flie forbad them to procure vianufaflures from any other part of the globe,
or even xht produfls G'i European countries, which alone could rival her, without being
firft brought to her. In fiiort, by a variety of laws, fhe regulated their trade in fuch a
manner as flie thought molt conducive to their mutual advantage, and her own welfare.
A power was referved to the Crown of repealitig any laws thatftiould be enacted: The
exectitivi; authority of government was alfo lodged in the Crown, and its reprefentatives ;
and an apf^eal was fecured to the Crown from all judg^nents in the adminiftration of juftice.

For all thefe powers, eflabliflied by the Mother country over the colonies; for all
thefe immenfe emoluments derived by her from them ; for all their difficulties and dif-
treffes in fixing themfelves, what was the recompence made them ? A communication of
her rights in general, and particularly of that great one, the foundation of all the reit —
that their property, acquired with fo much pain and harard, (hould be difpofed of by
none but themfelves* — or, to ufe the beautiful and empJiatic language of the facred
fcriptures, " that they fhould fit evvry 7nan under his vine, and under his fig-tree, and
none Jljoidd make them afraid. Y^

Can any man of candour and knowledge deny, that thefe inflitutions form an affinity
between Great-Britain and her colonies, that fufficiently fecures their dependence upon
her ? Or that for her to levy taxes upon them, is to reverfe the nature of things : Or
that fhe can purfue fuch a meafure, without reducing them to a (late of vafl'alage ?

If any perfon cannot conceive the fupremacy of Great-Britain to exifl:, without the
power of laying taxes to levy money upon us, the hiftory of the colonies, and of
Great-Britain, fince their fettlement, -will prove the contrary. He will there find the
amazing advantages arifing to her from them — the condant cxercife of her fupremacy —
and their filial fubmifiion to it, without a fingle rebellion, or even the thought of one,
from their firli: emigration to this moment — And all thefe things have happened, with-
•out one inftance of Great-Britain''^ laying taxes to levy money upon them.

]ri.o\f mzny BritiJJ? aufhers\ have denionftrated, that the prefent wealth, power and

glory

* The power oi taxing themfelves, was the privilege of which the Englif: were, " ivith
reafon," particularly jealous . HumeV HijL of England.

t Mic. iv. 4.

X It has been faid in the Houfe of Commons, when complaints have been- made of the
■id-e-cay of trade to any part of Europe, " That fuch things were not worth regard, as Great-

Briiaia

The farmer's LETTERS. ^i

glory of their country, are founded upon thefe colonies ? As conftantly as flreams tend
to the ocean, have they been pouring the fruits of all their labours into their mother's
lap. Good Heaven ! and (liall a total oblivion of former tenderneffes and bleffings, be
fpread over the minds of a good and wife nation, by the fordid arts of intriguing men,

who,

Britain was poffeffed of colonies that could confume more of her manuf-iaures than (he
was able to fupply them with. ,

" As the cafe now ftands, we fliall fliew that the plantations aie a fpung ot ivcaltn to
this nation, that they lus//^ for us, that xh&ir treafure centers aUhete, and that the laws
have tied them fall enough to us ; fo that it mufl be thiough our own fault and mifmanage-
nient, if they becoiae independent of England."

Da V EN ANT en the Pla?itation Trade.

" It is better that the iflands fliould be fupplied from the Ncrthein colonies than from
England; for this reafon, the provilions we might fend r.o Barbados, Jamaica, ijc would
be unimproved pi odu<Si of the earth, as grain ot all kinds, or fuch produft where there i3_
little got by the improvement, as malt, fait, beef and pork ; indeed the exportation ot
fait filh thither would be more advantageous, but the goods which we fend to the Northern
colonies, are fach, whofe improiement may be juiUy faid, one with another, to be v.zzxfour
fifths of the value of the ^.vhole commodity^ as apparel, houlhoid furniture, and manv other
things." Ideifi,

" Nenjj-Englandis the moft prejudicial plantation to the kingdom oi England-, and yet,
to do right to that moil induftiious Englijh colony, I mull confefs, that though v.c lole by
their uniimited trade with other foreign plantations, yet we are very great gainers by their
direct tiade to and from Old England. Our yearly exportalions of Englijh manufacluier,
malt and other goods, from hence thither, amounting, in my opinion, to ten times the
value of what is imported from thence ; which calculation I do not make at randoni, but
upon inaiure conjideration, and, peradventure, upon as much experience in this v.ry trade,
as any other perfon v/ill pretend to; and therefore, whenever refoimation of our corre-
fpondency in trade with that people fhall be thought on, it v.'ill, in my poor judgment, r<i-
({airc great tendernefs, and veryferious circumfpetlion"

Sir ]o%iM{ C\Mh\>'s Difcourfe on Trade.

" Our plantations fpend rnoflly our Engliih manufaftures, and thofe of all forts ahnofl
imaginable, in egregious quantities, and employ near t'-eoo thirds of all ourT-.n^J\\fhipping ;
fo that we have more people in England, by reafon of our plantations in /linerica.''

Jdeiu .

Sir Jo siAH Chi'-ld fays, in another part of his v.'ork, " That not more than fifty fa-.ni-
•lies are maintained in England by xhe refining of fugar." From whence, and from what
Davenant fays, it is plain, that the advantages here faid to be derived from the planta-
tions by England, mufl be meant chiefly of the continental colonies.

" I Ihall fum up my whole remaiks on ov\x /-luierican colonies, with this obfervation,
that as they are a certain annual revenue o{ fever al viillions flerling to their Mother coun-
try, theyought carefully to be proiefted, duly encouraged, and every opportunity that
prefents, improved for their increment and advantage, as every one they can pofRbly reap,
mull at lafl return to us with intereft." Beawes'j Lex Merc. Red.

" We may fafely advance, that our trade and navigation are greatly encreafed by our
colonies, and that they really are a fource of treafure and naval power to this kingdonj,
hnce they njjork for us, and their treafure centers here. Before their f;ttlemcnt, our

G mariiifaitures

22 The farmer's LETTERS.

who, covering their felfifii projefls undei" pretences of public good, firft enrage their
countrymen into a frenzy of paffion, and then advance their own influence and inte-
reft, by gratifying the palfion, which they themlelves have bafely excited.

Hitherto

manufaflures were few, and thofe but indifferent ; the numbei of En<^UJh merchants were
very fmal], and the whole Ihifping of the nation much inferior to wha^t now belongs to the
Northern colonies only. Thefe arc certain faHs. But lince their elUbliihment, our con-
dition has altered for the better, almoft to a degree beyond credibility. Our viannfaaures
are prodigioufly encreafcd, ciiiefly by the demand for them in the plantations, where they
at leajljake off one half, and fupply us with many valuable commodities for expoitation,
which IS as great an emolument to the Mother kingdom, as to the plantations themfelves."
. ^Postlethwavt'j Univ . DiSi . of Trade and Co7nmerce.

" Molt of the nations of Europe have interfered with us, more or lefs, in divers ol our
ftaple manufadures, within half a century, not only in our woollen, but in our lead and tin
nianufadures, as well as our fidieries,"

POSTLETHWAYT, Ih'ld.

The inhabitants of our colonies, by caiTying on a trade with xhzu foreign neighbours i
do not only occahon a rj'sater quantity of the goods and merchandizei 0/ Europe being fent
from hence to them, and a greater quantity of the pioduft of ybnerica to be fent from'theni
hither, ^vhich ^jjould other=wife be carried from, and bi ought to Europe by foreigners, but
an increafe of the feamen and navigation in thofe parts, which is of great ftiengih and
lecurity, as \yell as of great advantage to our plantations'in general. And though yj///,?
of our colonies are not only for preventing the importations of all goods of the fame
fpecies they produce, but fuffer particular planters to lieep great runs of' land in their pof-
feffion uncultivated, with detign to prevent new fettlements, whereby they imagine the
prices of their commodities may be affected ; yet if it be confidered, that the markets of
Great-Britain depend on the markets of all Europe in general, and that the European
markets /';,' general depend on the proportion between the annual confnnption and the
nvhole quantity of each fpecies annually produced by all nations; it muft follow, that
whether we or foreigners are the producers, carriers, importers and exporters of American
produce, yet their refpedive ^x\CQ%\r\ each colony (the difieience of freight, cuftoms and
importations confidered) will always bear proportion to \.he. general confu7npt ion of the
ivhole quantity of each fort, produced in all colonies, and /';; all parts, allowing only for
t'le ufual contingencies that trade and commeice, agiiculture and manufadlures, are liable
to in ail countries." Po stlethw ayt, ibid,

" It is certain, that from the very time Sir Walter Raleigh, the father of out Englijh
colonies, and his aflbciates, firfl projeded thefe eftablifliments, there have been peifons
who have found an interefl, in mifreprefenting, or leflening the value of them — The at-
tempts were called chimerical and dangerous. Afterwards many malignant fuggeflions were
made about facrificing fo nnny E?2gliJhjJ!en to the obllinate defire of fettling colonies in
countries which then produced very little advantage. But as thefe diihculties were gradu-
ally furmounted, thofe complaints vaniihed. No fooner weie thefe lamentations over, but
others arofe in their ftead ; when it could be no longer faid, that the colonics were ufelefs^
it was alledged that they were not ufeful enough to their Mothei country ; that while we
were loaded with taxes, they were abfblutely free; that the />/i7Wj'c'r/ lived \\V.c Princes,
while the inhabitants of £';/jA?/;t/ laboured hard for a tolerable l"ubfill:ence.".

Po STLETHW AYT, ibid.

' • 4« gefore

The farmer's LETTERS. I3

Hitherto Great-Britain has been contented with her profperity. Moderation has
been the rule of her condudt. But now, a generous humane people, that fo often has
protedled the liberty oi J}ra7igers, is enflamed into an attempt to tear a privilege from
her own children, which, if executed, muft, in their opinion, fink, them into Haves :
And for nvhat F For a pernicious power, not neceffary to her, as her own experience
may convince her; but horribly dreadful and deteftable to them.

It

" Before the fettlement of thefe colonies," fays PoJllethiVayt, " our manufadures were
few, and thofe but indifferent. In thofe days we had not only our naval llores, but our
fhips from our neighbours. Cerinany furniflied us with all things made of metal, even to
nails. Wine, paper, linens, and a thoufand otirer things came {rom France. Portugal
lupplied us with fugar ; all the products of America were poured into us from Spair. ; and
the Feneliam s.ndGenoefe retailed to us tlie commodities of the Eajl-hidies, at their own
price.

" If it be adved, whether foreigners, for what goods they trtke of lis, do not pay on that
confu77iption a great portion of our taxes ? It is admitted they do."

PosTLETHV*' aytV C rcat- B ritaiHs True Syjlem.

" If we are afraid that one day or ether the colonies will revolt, and fet up for them*
felres, as fome feem to apprehend, let us not drive tliem to a nccejjity lo feel thcraielves
independent of us ; as they nuill do, the moment they perceive that " they can befupplied
ivilh all thifigifrom ivitbin themfehesy" and do not need our afiiilance. If we would keep
them {till dependent upon their Mother country, and, in fome VG.i^ttX's., fulfer-vient to her
viei.vs and welfare ; let us make it their interejf always to be fo." Tucker on Trade.

** Our colonies, while they have Englijb blood in their veins, and have relations in Eng-
land, and nvhile they can get by trading iviih us, the fronger and greater they grow, the
7nore this Cro'-jon and kingdofn \\\\\ get by them ; and nothing but fuch an arbitral y power
as fliall make them defperate, can bring them to rebel."

Dave KANT on the Plantation Trade.

" The Northern colonies are not upon the fame foot;.ng as thoie of the South ; and
haying a v/orfe foil to improve, ihey muft find the reconipence fome other way, which only
can be in property and dominion: Upon which fcore, any innovations in the form of go-
vernment there, ihould be cautioufly examined, for lear of entering upon meafures, by
which the induftry of the inhabitants be quite difcouraged. 'Tis ahvays unfrtunate lor
a people, either by co7ifent, or upon co7;:pulfion, to depart from tiieir pri)uitive injliiuiions,
and t hofe fundai7;cnt a I s , by which they weicf/f united together.'''' Ideni.

" The moft effeflual wz-^ o{ tmiting the colonies, is to make it their common intereii: to
oppofe the defigns and attempts of Great-Britain. '^

" All wife ftatcs will well confider how to preferve the advantages arifing from colonics,
and avoid the evils. And I conceive that there can be bur /iro ways in nature to hindtr
them from throwing ofF their dependence ; one to keep it out of their po-ucer, and the other,
out of their nvill. The frf muft be by force ; ^nd ihe latter, by rfng the7n'nvell, and
keeping them employed in fuch produflions, and making fuch manufactures, as will fupport
themfelves and families comfortably, and procure them 'ujealth too, and at leaft not preju-
dice their Mother country.

" Force can never be ufed efFec5tually to anfwer the end, ivitkout defraying the colonies
i'henifehes. Liberty and encouragement are neceffary to cany people thither, and tj keep

tlieni

i4 "The FARMER'S LETTERS.

It feeras extremely probable, that wlien cool, difpaflionate poflerity, fliall confider
the afFedionate intercourfe, the reciprocal benefits, and the unfufpedting confidence, that,
have fubfifted between thefe colonies and their Parent country, for fuch a length of
time, they will execrate, with the bittereft curfes, the infamous memory of thofe men,
wliofe pelHlential ambition unncccffurily, wantonly, cruelly, firll: opened the fources of
civil diicord between them ; firft turned their love into jealoufy ; and firft taught thefe
provinces, filled with grief and anxiety, to enquire —

Alens uhi materna eji P

Where is maternal uiFedion ?

A FARMER.

LETTER

My dear CountryxMEN

IT may perhaps be objected againfl the argurnents that have been offered to the Pub-
lic, concerning the legal power of the Parliament, " that it has always exercifed the
power of impofing duties, for the purpofes of raifing a revenue on the produdions of

thefe

them together when they are there ; and violence will hinder both. Any body of troops,
confideriible enough to awe them, and keep them in fubje^tion, under the diredion too of
a needy Governor, often fenr thither to make his fortune, and at fuch a dilbince from any
application for redrefs, will foon put an end to all planting, and leave the country to the
foldiers alone, and if it did nor, Kvou/d eat up all the profit of the colony. For this reafon,
arbitrary countries have not been equally fuccefsful in planting colonics witli free ooes ;
and v/hat they have done in that kind, has either been by force, at a vail expence, or by
departing from the nature of their gcz'cnnnejit^ ^vA givijigfiich privileges to plar.ters as
were denied to their other fnhjefls . And I dare fry, that a few piudcnt laws, and a little
prudent condud, would foon give us far the gieateil: ibare of the riches of all yljnerica,
perhaps drive many of other nations out of it, or into our colonies for Ihclter,

" There are./c many exigencies in all Hates, fo many foreign nx^ars, and doiueflic diflurh-
ances, that thefe colonies can never ^^ant opportunities, if they watch for them, to do
ivhat they f Jail find their interejt to do ; and therefore we ought to take all the precautions
in our power, that it fliall never be their interefl toad againft that of their native country ;
an evil which can no otherwifc be averted, than by keeping \\^tv^ fully employed \n fuch
trades as ivill increafe their o-vn, as v/ell as our wealth ; for it is much to be feared, if we
do not find employment for //v;;/, they may find it for us ; the intercft of the Mother
country, is always to keep them dependent, and fo employed ; and it requires all her ad-
drefs to do it ; and it is certainly more eafly and efj'e^nally done hy gentle and infenfihle
methods, than by /i^iw'r alone." Cato'/ Letters.

The farmer's LETTERS. 15

thefe colonies carried to Great-Britain, which may be called a tax on them." To this
objetft-on I anfwer, that this is no violation of the rights of the colonies, it being implied
in the relation between them and Great-Britain, that they fliould not carry fuch com-
modities to other nations, as fnould enable them to interfere with the Mother country.
The impofition of duties on thefe commodities, when brought to her, is only a confe-
quence of her parental right ; and if the point is thoroughly examined, the duties will
be found to be laid on the people of the iSIother country. Whatever tlieyare, they
raufl: proportionably raife the price of the goods, and conlequently mufl be paid by the
confumers. In this light they were coniidered by the Parliament in the 25th Charles II.
Chap. 7, Sed. 2, which fays, that the productions of the plantations were carried from
one to another free from all cudoms, " while the fubjedls of this your kingdom of £'/i!^-
land have paid great cujioms and ivipofitions for nvrat of them have been fpent here, Cc.

Besides, if Great-Britain exports thefe commodities again, the duties will injure
her own trade, fo that Hie cannot hurt us, without plainly and immediately hurting hcr-
felf ; and this is our check againlT: her aiding arbitrarily in this refpeft.

* It may be perhaps further objeded, " that it being granted that f!atutes made for
regulating trade, are binding upon us, it will be difficult for any peifons, but the makers
of the laws, to determine, which of them are made for the regulating of trade, raid
which for raifing a revenue ; and that from hence may arife confufion.*'

To this I anfwer, that the objeflion is of no force in the prelent cafe, or fuch as

rcfemble

* If any one fliould obferve that no oppofition has been made to the legality of the 4th
George III. Chap, ij, which is the^r// acT: of Parliament that ever impoftd duties on the
importations \K\\.o America, for the exprejjed ^nr^o^c of railing a revenue there ; I anfwer —
Firfl:, That though the adt exprefsly mentions the railing a levenue in America, yet it
feems that it had as much in view the " improving and fecuring the trade between thefame
and Great-Britain,'" which v/ords are part of its title : And the preamble fay?, " Where-
as it is expedient that new prcvilions and regulations fliould be ellabhihed for improving
the revenue of this kingdom, and/ijr e^tendiiig and fecuring the navigation and coiinuercc
beii'jeen Great-Britain and your Majejlfs dominions in America, which by the peace have
been fo happily extended and enlarged," <^c. Secondly, All the duties mentioned in that
aifl- are impofed iulely O'nxht produflions and manufactures of foreign countries, and not
a fingie duty laid on any proJuflicn or manufafture of our Mother country. Thirdly,
The authority of the provincial Aflemblies is not therein fo plainly attacked as by the lalt
aft, which makes provifion fordefiaying the charges of the " adininiltration of juilice,"
and the " ftippart of civil government." Fourthly, That it being doubtful, whether the
intention of the 4th Garge III. Chap. 15, was not as much to regulate trade, as to raife a
revenue, the minds of the people here were wholly engrofled by the terrcr of the Sfa7np'
An, then impending over them, about the intention of which there could be no doubt.

Thefe reafons fo far diftinguifli^ the 4th George III. Chap. 15, from the lall: aft, that it
is not to be wondered at, that the firft fhould 'have been fubmitted to, though the /.7y/ fhould
excite the mofl univeifal and fpirited oppolition. For this will be found, on the Ibifteft
examination, to be, in x\\t principle on which it is founded, and in the confequences that
mull: attend it, if poffible, more dertruftive than the Stamp- Acl. It is, to fpeak plainly,
9i prodigy in our laws ; not having one Brltifn feature.

H

U The IFARMER's LETTERS.

refemble it ; becaufe the ad now in queftion, is formtd ercprefsly ^'forikefoleptirpofe
tj raijuig a revenue.^'

However, fuppoling the defign of Parliament had r\ox. h&eu exprejfed, the objefciofl
Teems to me of no weight, with regard to the influence which thofe who may make it,
might expect it ought to have on the condu(5t of thefe colonies.

It is true, that inipoftlions for raijhig a revenue^ may be hereafter called regulations
of trade : But names will not change the nature of things. Indeed we ought firmly to
believe, what is an undoubted truth, confirmed by the unhappy experience of many
ilates heretofore free, that unlefs the viojl nvntchful attefitioji be exerted, a neiu fervi'
tude may 'be flipped upon us, under the fin fi ion of ufual and refpe^ahle terms.

Thus the Citfars ruined the Roman liberty, under the titles of tribunicial and dicia-
torial authorities — old and venerable dignities, known in the mod flourifliing times of
freedom. In imitation of the fame policy, James II. when he meant to edablilh popery,
talked of liberty of confcience, the mod facred of all liberties ; and had thereby almoft
deceived the DiiTenters into deftru(5lion.

All artful rulers, who drive to extend their power beyond its jufl: limits, endeavour
to give to tlieir attempts as much fcmblance of legality as poffible. Thofe who fucceed
them may venture to go a little further ; for each new encroachment will be ftrengthened
by a former. ""That which is now fupported by examples, growing old, will become
•in example itfelf, *" and thus fupport frefh ufurpaticns.

A FREE people therefore can never be too quick in obferving, nor too firm in oppofing
the beginnings o^ alteration either 'mfor?n or reality, refpedinginftitutions formed for their
fecurity. The firft kind of alteration leads to the laft : Yet, on the other hand, no-
thing is more certain, than that the y^r;;// of liberty may be retained, when iht fib-
Jiance is gone. In government, as well as in religion, " the letter killeth, but the
fpirit giveth life.-j-"

I WILL beg leave to enforce this remark by a few inftances. The Crown, by the
conditution, lias the prerogative of creating Peers. The exiftence of that order, in
due number and dignity, is efiential to the conditution ; and if the Crown did not cx-
ercife that prerogative, the peerage mud have long fince decreafed fo much as to liave
iod its proper influence. Suppofe a Prince, for fome unjud purpofes, (hould from time
to time, advance fo many needy, profligate wretches to that rank, that all the inde-
pendence of the Houfe of Lords fliould be dedroyed ; there would then be a manifed
violation of the conditution, under the appearance of ujing legal prerogative.

The Houfe of Commons claims the privilege of forming all money bills, and will not
fuffer either of the other branches of the leglflature to add to, or alter them • contend-
ing that their power flmply extends to an acceptance or rcjedion of them. This pri^
vilege appears to be jud : But under pretence of thisjud privilege, the Houfe of Com-
mons has claimed a licence of tacking to money bills, claufes relating to things of a
totally different kind, and thus forcing them in a manner on the King and Lords.
This feems to be an abufe of that privilege, and it may be valtly more abufed. Sup-
pole
* Tacituh t 2 Cor. iii. 6.

The farmer's LETTERS. sf

pofe a future Houfe, influenced by fome difplaced, difcontented demagogues, in a time
of danger, fhould tack, to a money bil], fomeihing fo injurious to the King and Peeis,
that they would not affent to it, and yet the Commons fhould oWUnately iniifi: on it ;
the whole kingdom would be expjafed to ruin by them, u?idsr tin appcaj-ance of inait:-
taining a valuable privilege.

In thefe cafes it might be difficult for a while to determine, whether the King in-
tended to exercife his prerogative in a conftitutionai mann.er or not ; or whether the
Commons infilled on their demand faftiouflyi or for the public good : But furely the
conduft of the Crowd, or of the Hcufe, would in time iufficienily explain ilfelf.

Ought not xht peoph therefore to watch ? to obferve fafts I to fearch into caufes ?
to inveftigate defigns ? And have they not a right oi judging from the evidence before
them, on no {lighter points than their liberty and happinefs ? It would be lefs thai^
trifling, wherever a Britiflo government is eflabliflied, to make ufe of any arguments
to prove fuch a right. It is fufiicient to remind the reader of tlie day, cji the a^irii-
verfary of which the firft of thefe letters is dated.

I WILL nov/ apply what has been faid to the prefent queftion.

The nature of any impofitions laid by Parliament on thefe colonies, mun; determine
the defign in laying them. It may not be eafy in every inftance to difcover that defign.
Wherever it is doubtful, I think fubmiffion cannot be dangerous j nay, it muft be
right ; for, in my opinion, there i-s no privilege thefe colonies claim, which they ought
in duty 2Lnd prudence more earneflly to maintain and defend, than the authority of the
Britijh Parliament to regulate the trade of all her dominions. Without this authority,
the benefits fhe enjoys from our commerce, mull: be lolt to her : The bleflings we en-
joy from our dependence upon her, muft he lofl to us. Her flrcngth mu.H: decay; her
glory vanifla ; and (he cannot fuflTer without our partaking in her misfortune. Let us
therefore cherifo her inter ejis as our o'-jjn, and give ker every thing that it beccmes free-
?nen to give or to receive.

The nature of any impofitions flie may lay upon us may, in general, be known, by
confidering how far they relate to the preferving, in due order, the connection between
the feveral parts of the Brilijlj empire. One thing we may be affured of, which is
this — Whenever flie impofes duties on commodities, to be paid only upon their expor-
tation from Great-Britain to thefe colonies, it is not a regulation of trade, but a defign
to raifc a revenue upon us. Other inftances may happen, which it may not be necef-
fary at prefent to dwell on. I hope thefe colonies will never, to their lateft exigence,
v/ant underftandicg fufficient to difcover the intentions of thofe who rule over them,
nor the refolution neceflary for afierting their interefts. They will always have the
fame rights, that all free ftates have, of judging when their privileges are invaded, and
of ufiEg all prudent meafures for preferving them.

^locirca vivite fortes
-Fortiaque adverfis opponile peciora rehus.

Wherefore keep up your fpirits, and gallantly 9ppofe this adverfe
CGurfe of aflPairs. A FARMER.

LETTER

The farmer's LETTERS.

LETTER VII.

M)' dear Coimtrymen,

HIS letter is intended more particularly for fuch of you, whofe employments in
life may have prevented your attending to the confideration of fome points that
are of great and public importance : For many fuch perfons there muft be even in thefe
colonics, where the inbabitants in general are more intelligent than any other people
whatever, as has been remarked byftrangefs, and it feems with reafon.

Some of you, perhaps, filled, as I know your breafts are, with loyalty to our mod
excellent Prince, and with love to our dear Mother country, may feel yourfelves in-
clined, by the affedions of your hearts, to approve every adtion of thofe whom you fo
much venerate and efteem. A prejudice thus flowing from goodnefs of difpofition, is
•amiable indeed. I vvifli it could be indulged without danger. Did I think this poffible,
the error fliould have been adopted, and not oppofed by me. But in truth, all men
-are fubjedl to the frailties of nature; and therefore whatever regard we entertain for the
perfons of thofe v/ho govern us, we fhould always remember that their conduft, as
rulers, "may be influenced by human infirmities.

WrtEN any laws, injurious to thefe colonies, are pafled, we cannot fuppofe, that
any injury was intended us by his Majefty, or the Lords. For the aflent of the Crown
and Peers to laws, feems, as far as I am able to judge, to have been vefled in them,
hlore for their oWn fecurity, than for any other purpofe. On the other hand, it is the
particular bufinefs of the people, to enquire and difcover what regulations are ufeful
for themfelves, and to digefl: and prefent them in the form of bills, to the other
torde'fs, to have them enacted into laws. Where thefe laws are to bind thejnfslves,
ifitlay beexpedled, that the Houfe of Commons will very carefully confider them : But
when they are making laws that are not defigned to bind ikcwfelves, we cannot imagine
that their deliberations will be as * cautious and fcrupulous, as in their own cafe,

I AM

* Many remarkable inftatices might be produced of the extraordinary inattention with
which bills of great impoitance, concerning thefe colonies, have pafl'ed in Parliament;
which is owing, as it is fuppofed, to the bills being brought in by the perfons who have
points to carry, fo artfully framed, that it is not eafy for the Members in general, in the,
hafle of bufinefs, to difcover their tendency.

The following inftances Oievv the truth of this remark. AVhen Mr. GreJiviHe, in the
violence of reformation, formed the 4th of George III. Chap, ijih, for regulating the
/Inierican undt, the word " Jrelaud" wis dropi in the claufe relating to our iron and
'lumber-, fo that we could 'fend thefe articles to no part of Europe, but to Creat-Brifai/i.

This

tHE FARMER'S LETTERS. ^

I AM told, that there is a wonderful addrefs frequently ufed in carrying points In

the Houfe of Commons, by perfons experienced in thefe affairs. That opportunities

ai-e watched — and fometimes votes are pafled, that if all the members had been prefent,
would have been rejefted by a great majority. Certain it is, that when a powerful and
artful man has determined on any meafure againft thefe colonies, he has always fuc-
ceeded in his attempt. Perhaps therefore it will be proper for us, whenever any op-
prelTive adl affedling us is paffed, to attribute it to the inattention of the members
of the Houfe of Commons, and to the malevolence or ambition of fome fadious great
man, rather than to any other caufe.

Now I do verily believe, that the late ait of Parliament, impofing duties on paper,
^c. was formed by Mr. Grenville, and his party, becaufe it is evidently a part of that
plan, by which he endeavoured to render himfelf popular at home ; and I do alfo be-
lieve, that not one half of the members of the Houfe of Commons, even of thofe who
heard it read, did perceive how dertruftive it was to American freedom. For this
reafon, as it is ufual in Great-Britaiti, to confider the King's fpeech as the fpeech of
the Miniftry, it may be right here to confider this aft as the aft of z party, perhaps I
ihould fpeak more properly, if I was to ufe another term.

There are two ways of laying taxes. One is, by impofing a certain fum on parti-
cular kinds of property, to be paid by the ttfer or cvnfunier, or by rating the perfon at

a certain

This was fo unreafonable a reftriftlon, and fo contrary to the fentiments of the legiflature
for many years before, that it is furprifing it fhould not have been taken notice of in the
Houfe. However the bill pafled into a law. But when the matter was explained, this re-
ftriftion was taken off by a fubfequent aft. I cannot polirively fay how long after the
taking off this reftriftion, as I have not the aft, but I think, in lefs than i8 months,
another aft of Parliament paffed, in which the word '■^Ireland''' was left out, jult as it had
been before. The matter being afecond time explained, was a fecond time regulated.

Now if it be confidered, that the omiffion mentioned ftruck off with otie word fo very
great apart of our trade, it muft appear remarkable; and equally fo is the method, by
which rice became an enumerated commodity.

" The enumeration was obtained (fays Mr. \j{\ Gee ) by one Cole, a Captain of a fliip,
employed by a company then trading to Carolina; for fevetal Ihips going from England
thither, and purchafing rice for Portugal, prevented the aforefaid Captain of a loading.
Upon his coming home, he poffeffed one Mr. Loivndes, a member of Parliament (nvko
luas very frequently employed fo prepare bills ) with an opinion, that carrying rice direft-
ly to Portugal, was a prejudice to the trade oi England, and privately got. a claufe into
an aft, to make it an enumerated commodity ; by ivhich meaiis he fecured a freight to him-
felf. But the confequence proved avajl lofs to the nation.'"

I find that this claufe, " privately got into an diO.," for the benefit of Captain _ Cole, to
the *' vaf lofs cf the nation,"" is foifted into the 3d and 4th Anne, Chap. 5th, inrtituled,
" An aft for granting to her Majefty a further fublidy on wines and merchandizes import-
*' ed," with which it has no moreconneftion, than with 34th Edivardl. the 34th and 35th
of Henry VIII. and the ajth oi Charles II. 'which provide, that no perfon pall be ta^eii:
vut by hiinfelf or his reprefentative.

\/\ Gee on Trade, page 1%,

I

30 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

% certain fum. The other is, by impofing a certain fum on particular kinds of pro-
pertj', to be paid by the feller.

When a man pays the fiift fort of tax, he kno'ws ivith certainty that he pays fo
much money for a tax. The confideration for which he pays it, is remote, and, it
may be, does not occur to him. He is fenfible too, that he is comniarided and obliged
to pay it £?/ a tax ; and therefore people are apt to be difpleafed with this fort of tax.

The other fort of tax is fubmitted to in a very different manner. The purchafer of
any ar-ticle, very feldom reflects that the feller raifes his price, fo as to indemnify him-
felf for the tax he has paid. He knows that the prices of things are continually fluc-
tuating, and if he thinks about the tax, he thinks at the fame time, that he 7night have
paid as much, if the article he buys had not been taxed. He gets fomething vifihh
and agreeable for his money; and tax and price are fo confounded together, that he
cannot feparate, or does not chufe to take the trouble of feparatmg them.

This mode of taxation therefore is the mode fuited to arbitrary and oppreflive govern-
tneni-s. TJie leve of liberty is fo natural to the human heart, that unfeeling tyrants think
therafelves obliged to accommodate their fchemes as much as they can to the appearance
of julKce and reafon, and to deceive thofe whom they refolve to deflroy, or opprefs,
by prefenting to them a miferable pifture of freedom, when the ineilimable original
rs loll:.

This policy did not efcape the cruel and rapacious Nero. That monfter, apprehen-
five that his crimes might endanger his authority and life, thought proper to do fome
popular acts, to fecure the obedience of his fubjedts. Among other things, fays Ta-
citus, " he remitted the twenty-fifth part of the price on the flile of fiaves, but rather
mflieni) than reality ; for iht filer being ordered to pay it, it became part of the price
to the buyer*.

This Is the reflection of the judicious hijlorian ; but the dt\vid.t6. people gave their
infamous Emperor full credit for his falfe generofity. Other nations have been treated
in the fame manner the Rotiians were. The honeft, induftrious Cenuans, who are
fettled in different parts of this continent, can inform us, that it was this fort of tax
that drove them from their native land to our woods, at that time the feats of perfect
and undiflurbed freedom.

Their Princes, enflamed by the lufl of power, and the lufl: of avarice, two furies
that the more they are gorged, the more hungry they grow, tranfgreflTed the bounds
they ought, in regard to themfelves, to have obferved. To keep up the deception in
the minds of fubjefts, " there muft be," fays a very learned author-f , " fome propor-
tion between the impofi and the value of the commodity ; wherefore there ought not
to be an exceflive duty upon merchandizes of little value. There are countries in
tvhich the duty exceeds feventeen or eighteen times the value of the commodity. In
this cafe the Prince removes theillufion. Hisfubjedts plainly fee they are dealt with In
an unreafonable manner, which renders them moft exqijifitely fenfible of their flavifli

;.> ■..',,,,,, ^ , II fituation."

■.\,,\ ■■•■ .^ 1 .'•<•■■''. ' \ ■•■' '^. \
"** Tacit ush Ann . Book 1 3 . § 3 1 . t Montef(iuieik\^^\x\i ^%i^ii, Boak Ij,) Cliai>.^.'

I

The farmer's letters. 31

fituation." From hence it appears, that fubjecls may be ground down into niifery by
this fort of taxation, as well as by the former. They will be as much impoverilhed,
if their money is taken from them in this way as in the other; and that it will be taken,
may be more evident, by attending to a few more confiderations.

The merchant or importer, who pays the duty at firft, will not confent to be fo
much money out of pocket. He therefore proportionably raifes the price of his goods.
It may then be faid to be a conteft between hmi and the perlon offering to buy, who
fhalllofe the duty. This mud be decided by the nature of the commodities, and the
purchaler's demand for them. If they are mere luxuries, he is at liberty to do as he
pleafes, and if he buys, he does it voluntarily : But if they are abfolute jiecefaries, or
co7i'veniences, which ufe and cuftom have made requifite for the comfort of life, and
which he is not permitted, by the power impofmg the duty, to get elfenvkere, there the
feller has a plain advantage, and the buyer mujl pay the duty. In faft, the feller is
nothing lefs than a colledor of the tax for the power that impofed it. If thefe
duties then are extended to the neceflaries and conveniences of life in general, and
enormoufly increafed, the people mud at length become indeed " mofl: exquihteJy fenfible
of their flavifh fituation." Their happinefs therefore entirely depends on the modera-
tion of thofe who have authority to impofe the duties.

I SHALL now apply thefe obfervations to the late a6t of Parliament, Certain duties
are thereby impofed on paper and glafs, imported into thefe colonies. By tlie laws of
Creat-Britaiti we are prohibited to get thefe articles from any other part of the world.
We cannot at prefent, nor for many years to come, though we fliould apply ouvfelyes
to thefe manufadures with the utmolt induftry, make enough ourfelves for our own
ufe. That paper and glafs are not only convenient, but abfolutely necelFary for us, I
imagine very few will contend. Some perhaps, who think mankind grew wicked and
luxurious, as foon as they found out another way of communicating their fentiments
than by fpeech, and another way of dwelling than in caves, may advance fo whimfital
an opinion. But I prefume no body will take the unnecefl'ary trouble of refuting them.

From thefe remarks I think it evident, that we viiij} ufe paper and glafs; that what
we ufe, vniji be Britijh ; and that we jmift pay the duties impofed, unlefs thofe whd
fell thefe articles, are fo generous as to make us prefents of the duties they pay.

Some perfons may think this aft of no confequence, becaufe the duties are ^q fmall.
A fatal error. T/njt is the very circumflance mofl alarming to me. For I am convinced,
that the authors of this law would never have obtained an a<St to raife fo trifling a fum
as it muft do, had they not intended by it to eftablifh & precedent for future ufe. To
confole ourfelves with \\\^ fmallnefs of the duties, is to walk deliberately into the fnare
that is fet for us, praifing the neat7icfs of the workmanfliip. Suppofe the duties im-
pofed by the late ad; could be paid by thefe diftreffed colonies with the utmofl eafe,
and that the purpofes to which they are to be applied, were the mofl reafonable and
equitable that can be conceived, the contrary of which I hope to demonflrate before
tjiefe lejtt^rs, are coacludcfi; y^t even in fuch a fuppofed cafe, thef^ coloai^SiWglif'tsrt
re£arditiie',;ju4 y(ith ,gbl]|Oi:renc«,, .F^r qy/;p are ^Jree pfopkf. .■■'^ii\tktife\ PHer,;whanit
■.. .r 1 government

32 The FARMER*s LETTERS '

government is reafonably and equitably exercifed, but thofe, Avho live under a govern-,
ment fo conjiilutionally checked and conirouled, that proper provifion is made againft
its being otherwife exercifed.

The late adt is founded on the deftruftion of this conflitutional fecurity. If the
Parliament have a right to lay a duty of Four Shillings and Eight Pence on a hundred
weight of glafs, or a ream of paper, they have a right to lay a duty of any other fum
on either. They may raife the duty, as the author before quoted fays has been done
in fome countries, till it " exceeds feventeen or eighteen times the value of the com-
modity." In fliort, if they have a right to levy a tax oi one penny upon us, they have
a right to levy a juillion upon us : For where does their riglit Hop ? At any given num-
ber of Pence, Shillings or Pounds ? To attempt to limit their right, after granting it to
exift at all, is as contrary to reafon — as granting it to exift at all, is contrary to jufiice.
\i they have any right to tax us — then, whether oiir onvn money fhall continue in our
oivn pockets or not, depends no longer on us, but on them. " There is nothing
which" we " can call our own ; or, to ufe the words of Mr, Locke — mihat property have
*we in that, 'which another may, hy right, take, <when he pleafes, to himfelf?'"*

These duties, which will inevitably be levied upon us — which are now levying upon
us — are exprefsly laidy^r the fole purpofe of taking money . This is the true definition of
^'taxesJ" They are therefore taxes. This money is to be taken from us. We are
therefore taxed. Thofe who are taxed without their own confent, exprefl'ed by them-
felves or their reprefentatives, are flaves. We are taxed without our own confent,
exprefled by ourfelves or our reprefentatives. We are therefore SLAVES.f

Miferahile vulgus,

A miferable tribe,

A FARMER.

L E T-

* Lord Ca7nden''s fpeech.

■\ " It is my opinion, that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies."^
" The Americans are ^\\zfo7ts, not the bajlards o{ England.''' — " The diftindion between
legijlatioti and taxation is eflentially neceflary to liberty." — " The Commons of Americat
reprefented in their feveral Affemblies, have ever been in pofleffion of this their conftitu-
tional right, of giving and granting their ovjn money. They would have been Jlaves,
if they had not enjoyed it." " The idea of a virtual reprefentation of America in this
Houfe, is the moft contemptible idea, that ever entered into the head of man. — It does
jnotdeferve a fcrious refutation." Mr. Vxxx.''?, fpeech on the Stamp- Ad:.

That gieat and excellent man Lord Camden, maintains the fame opinion. His fpeech
in the Houfe of Peers> on the declaratory bill of the fovereignty of Great-Britain over the
colonies, has lately appeared in our papers. The following extrads fo perfedlly agree
with, and confirm the fentiments avowed in thefe letters, that it is hoped the inferting
ihem in this note will be excufed.

" As the affair is of the utmoji iinportance, and in its confequences may involve \\\zfate
cf kingdoms, I took the ftricfleft review of my arguments; I re-examined all my authorities;
fully determined, if I found myfelf miftaken, publicly to own my miftake, and give up
my opinion : But my fearches have more and more convinced me, that the Britijh Parlia-
ment

The farmer's LETTERS. 3J

LETTER VIII.

My dear Co u n t R y M£ N, ,

N my opinion, a dangerous example is fet in the lafl: ad relating to thefe colonies.
.^ The power of Parliament to levy money upon us for raifing a revenue, is therein
a-oo-joed and exerted. Regarding the zSl upon this fingle principle, I mult again repeat,
and I think it my duty to repeat, that to me it appears to be u7iconJ}itutio?:ai.

No man, who confiders the conducl: of the Parliament fince the repeal of the Stamp-
ASl, and the difpofition of many people at home, can doubt, that the chief obje<5l ot atten-
tion there, is, to ufe Mr. Grenvillc's exprelTion, " providing that the dependence and
obedience of the colonies be aflerted and maintained."

Under

ment have " m right to tax" the Americans." — "Nor is 'the doiflrlne new; it is as old as
the conftitution ; it grew up with it; ^indeed it'is its fupport." — " Taxation and reprefett-
/<7/^/5;/ are in fe par ably united. God hath joined them: Ko BritiJ/j Parliament can itpa-
rate them : To endeavour to do it is to ftab our vitals."

" My pofition is this — I repeat it — I will maintain it to my lafl hour — taxation and re-
prefentation are infepaiable — this pofition is founded on the laws of nature; it is more, it
is itfelf «« eternal la'vj of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is abioiutely his own; ;;*
vianhath a right to take it from him ivithotit his confent, either exprell'ed by himfelf or
reprefentative ; ^'jhoever attempts to doit, attempts an i?ijury; ivhoever does it, comviiis

a robbery ; he throws down the diJiinStio7i betnveeti liberty and Jlavery." " There is

noiz blade of grafs, in the moftobfcure corner of the kingdom, which is not, which was not
ever reprefented, iince the conftitution began : Thereis not a blade of grafs, which, when
taxed, was not taxed by the confent of the proprietor.'''' " The forefathers of the Americans
did not leave their native country, and fubje(ft themfelves to every danger and diftiefs, to
he reduced to a fate of Jlavery. They did not give up their rights: They looked for
protecffion, and not for chains, from their Mother country. By her they expected to be
defended in the pofleflion of their property, and not to be deprived of it : For faould the
prefent power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own ; or, to ufe the
words of Mr. Locke, " w)hat property have they in that, ivhich another may, by right,
take, tvhen he pleafes, to hin/felfP'^ ■—

It isimpolTible to read this fpeech, and Mr. Pittas, and not be charmed with the gene-
rous zeal for the rights of mankind that glows in every fentence, Thefe great and good
men, animated by ihefubjed they fpeak upon, feem to rife above all the former glorious
exertions of their abilities, A foreigner might be tempted to think they are Americans,
afTerting, with all the ardour of pratriotifm, and all the anxiety of apprehenfion, the caufe
of their native land--- and nox. Britons, ftriving to flop their miilaken countrymen from
opprefling others. Their reafoning is not only juft-— it is, as Mr. Hume fays of the elo-
quence of Demofiheties, " vehement." It is difdain, anger, boldnefs, freedom, involved in
a continual ftream of argument. _^--

34 *rH£ farmer's letters.

Under, the influence of this notion, inflantly on repealing the Stamp- ATt, an aft
paflcd declaring the power of Parliament to bind thele colonies /;/ all cafes ivhatever.
This ■however was only planting a barren tree, that cart ?if,:'ade indeed ovtr the colonies,
but yielded no fruit. It being determined to enforce the authority on which thaStaf^p-
Jci was founded, the Parliament having never renounced the right, as Mr. rilt adviitd
them to do ; and it being thought proper to difguife that authority in fuch a manner, as
^ot agam to alarm the colonies; fome little time was required to find a method, by
\vhich both thefe points fliould be united. At Lift the ingenuity of Mr. Crefizille and
his party accompliihed the matter, as it was thought, in " an a6t for granting certain
'duties in the Britlfh colonies and plantations in Aiuerica, for allowing drawbacks," <tc.
which is the title of the aft laying duties on paper, 6- £•.

The Parliament having feveral times before impofed duties to be paid in America, it
tvas expeHed, no doubt, that the repetition of fuch a vu-afure nvould be pajfed over, as
flfi ufual thing. But to have done this, without exprefsly " aflerting and maintaining"
the power of Parliament to take our money without our confent, and to apply it as they
pleafe, would not have been, in Mr. Grem'ille\ opinion, fufficiently declarative of its
fupremacy, nor fufficiently depreflive oi American freedom.

The&efore it Is, that in this memorable aift we find it exprefsly " provided," that
money ihall be levied upon us without our confent, for purpofes, that render it, if pof'
Jihle, more dreadful than the Stamp- A^.

That afl-, alarming as it was, declared, the money thereby to be raifed, fhould be.
applied " towards defraying the expences of defending, protedting and fecuring the
Britifj colonies and plantations in A?nerica .- " And it is evident from the whole a<5t,
that by the word " Bri/ifp," were intended colonies and plantations fettled by Britifli
piople, and not generally, thofe fiihjefi to the Britifli cro'vjn. That aft therefore feemed
to have fomething gentle and kind in its intention, and to aim only ?Lt our onvn nvelfare :
But the aft now objefted to, Impofes duties upon the BritifJj colonies, " to defray the
expences of defending, protefting and fecuring his Blajefiy's dominions in America," -

What a change of words I What an incoiiiputable addition to the expences intended
by the Stamp- Afl ! " His Majefiy's dominions " comprehend not only the Britifli co-
lonies, but alfo the conquered provinces c/" Canada and Florida, and the Britlfh _§-i7rr/-
fo}ts (?/" Nova- Scotia ; for thefe do not deferve the name d colonies.

What juftice is there In making us pay for " defending, protefting and fecuring "
thefe places ? What benefit trrfw we, ot have wu ever derived from them? None of
them was conquered/cr us ; nor will " be defended, protefted or fecured " for us.

In faft, however advantageous the fubdulng or. keeping any of thefe countries may
be to Great-Britain, the acquifition is greatly injurious to thefe colonies. Our chief
property confifts in lands. Thefe would have been of much greater value, if fuch pro-
digious additions had not been made to the Britijh territories on this continent. The
patural increafe of our own people, if confined within the colonics, would have raifed
the value ftill higher and higher every fifteen or twenty years : Befides, we fliould have
iiVed more compaftly together, and have been therefore more able to rcJift any enemy.

But

The farmer's LETTERS. 3^

Butnow the inhabitants will be thinly fcattered over an immenfe region, as thofe who
%yant fettlements, will chule to make new ones, rather than pay great prices for old ones.

These are the confequences to the colonies, of the hearty afliilance they^gave to
Creai Britaia in the late war — a war undertake)! folely for her cnvu benejit. ""the ob-
jefls of it were, the fecuring to herfelf the rich trads of land on the back of thefe co-
lonies, with the h:dia7i trade; and Nova Scotia, v/ith the liOiery. Thefe, avd muck
viorey has that kingdo^n gained ; but the inferior animals, that hunted with the lion,
liave been amply rewarded for all the fweat and blood their loyalty coU them, by the
honour of having fweated and bled in fuch company.

I WILL not go fo far as to fay, that Canada and Nova Scotia are curbs on Neiv-
England', the chain efforts through the back woods on the Middle Provinces ; and
Florida on the rejl : But I will venture to fay, that if the produds of Canada,^ Nova
Scotia and Florida deferve any confideration, the two firft of them are only rivals of
our northern colonies, and the other of our fouthern.

It has been faid, that without the conqueft of thefe countries, the colonies could
not have been " protefted, defended and fecured." If that is true, it may with as
much propriety be faid, that Great-Britain could not have been " defended, protefled
and fecured," without that conqueft ; For the colonies are parts of her empire, whici*
it as much concerns her as them to keep out of the hands of any other power.

But thefe colonies, when they were much weaker, defended themfelves, before this
conqueft was made, and could again do it, againft any that might properly be called their
enemies. If France and Spain indeed (liould attack them, as members of the Britifh
etnpire, perhaps they might be diftreffed ; but it would be in a Britifj quarrel.

The largeft account I have feen of the number of people in Canada, does not make
them exceed 90,000. Florida can hardly be faid to have any inhabitants. It is com-
puted that there are in our colonies g, 000,000. Our force therefore muft increafe with
a difproportion to the growth of their ftrcngth, that would render us very fafe.

This being the ftate of the cafe, I cannot think it juft that thefe colonies, labouring
under fo many misfortunes, fliould be loaded v/ith taxes, to maintain countries, not
only not ufeful, but hurtful to them. The fupport o^ Canada and Florida coft yearly,
it is faid, half a million fterling. From hence we may make fome guefs of the load
that is to belaid up07i us; for v/e are not only to " defend, prote6t and fecure"
them, but alfo to make " an adequate provifion for defraying the charge of the admi-
niftration of juftice, and the fupport of civil government, in fuch provinces where it fhall
be found neccfiary."

Not one of the provinces o^ Cn7iada, Nova Scotia, or Florida, has ever defrayed
thefe e>:pe7ices'nvithiu itfelf: And if the duties impofed by the laft ftatute are colleded,
all of thein together, according to the beft information I can get, will not pay one quarter
as much as Pennfylvania alone. So that the Britif? colonies are to be drained of the
rev/ards of their labour, to cherifh the fcorching fands of Florida, and the icy rocks
of Canada and Nova-Scotia, v/hich never will return to us one farthing that we fend
to them.

Gr£AT-

Z6 The FARMER^s LETTERS.

Great-Britain — I mean, the MIniftry in Gnat- Britain, has cantoned Canada
and Florida out into five or Jix governments, and may form as many more. There now
^xt fourteen or fifteen regiments on this continent ; and there foon may be as many
more. To make " an adequate provifion"/ir all theje expences, is, no doubt, to be
the inheritance of the colonies.

Can any man believe that the duties upon paper, ^c. are the lajl that will be laid
for thefe purpofes ? It is in vain to hope, that becaufe it is imprudent to lay duties on
the exportation of manufadtures from a Mother country to colonies, as it may promote
manufadures among them, that this confidera'tion will prevent fuch a meafure.

Ambitious artful men have made it popular, and whatever injuftice or deftruftion
•will attend it in the opinion of the colonics, at home it will be thought juft and
falutary.*

The people of Great-Britain Vv^ill be told, and have been told, that they are fink-
ing under an immenfe debt — that great part of this has been contracted in defending
the colonies — that thefe are fo ungrateful and undutiful, that they will not contribute
one mite to its payment — nor even to the fupport of the army now kept up for their
*' defence and fecunty" — that they are rolling in wealth, and are of fo bold and repub-
lican a fpirit, that they are aiming at independence — that the only way to retain then ;
in " obedience," is to keep a ftrid: watch over them, and to draw off part of their-
riches in taxes — and that every burden laid upon thevi, is taking off fo much from
Great-Britain. — Thefe afiertions will be generally believed, and the people will be •
perfuaded that they cannot be too angry with their colonies, as that anger will be pro* ^
fitable to themfelves.

In truth, Great-Britain alone receives any benefit from Canada, Nova-Scotia, and
Florida ; and therefore fhe alone ought to maintain them. The old maxim of the law
is drawn from leafon and juftice, and never could be more properly applied, than in
this cafe.

^ui fenfit commoduni, fentire debet et onus.

They who feel the benefit, ought to feel the burden.

LETTER IX.

My dear Countrymen,

I HAVE made fome obfervations on xht purpofes for which money is to be levied uport
us by the late aft of Parliament. I fhall now offer to your confideration fome fur-
ther refledtions on that fubjed : And unlefs I am greatly miflaken, if thefe purpofes are

accom-
* " So credulous as well as oh/linate, are the people in believing every thing, which flat-
ters their prevailing paj/ion. Hu m e V Hiji. of England,

^ The farmer's LETTERS. 33

accompllfted according to the expreffed intention of the ad):, they will be found cfFec-
tually lofuperfede that authority in our reipeaive AflembUes, which is eficntialto hberty.
The auellion is not " whether feme branches frail be lopped oft— '1 he axe is laid to the
root of the tree ; and the whole body mull: infallibly pcrifh, if we remain idle fpeda-
tors of the work.

No free people ever exlfted, or can ever exift, without keeping, to ule a common,
butitrong exprelTion, " the purfe ftrings," in their own hands. Where this is the cafe,
they have a conjiitutiona! check upon the Adminiltration, which may thereby be bi ought
into order nvithout violence : But where fuch a power is not lodged in x\\t people, oppref-
fion proceeds uncontrouled in its career, till the governed, tranfported into rage, feek
redrefs In the midft of blood and confufion.

The elegant and ingenious Mr. Hjcme, fpeaking of the Anglo Norfnan government,
fays — " Princes and Minifters were too ignorant, to be themlelves fenfible of the ad-
vantage attending an equitable adminiftration, and there was no eftabli<]ied Council or
Affemhly, nuhich could prote^ the people, and by I'Athdra'wing Jupplies, regularly and
peaceably admonifh the King of his duty, and enfure tke execution of the laivs.'"

Thus this great man, whofe political relledions are fo much admired, makes this
pon.ver one of the foundations of liberty.

The Englijlj hiftory abounds with inftances, proving that this\% the proper and fuc-
cefsful way to obtain redrefs of grievances. How often have Flings and Minifters
endeavoured to throw off this legal curb upon them, by attempting to raife money by
a variety of inventions, under pretence of law, without having recourfe to Parliament ?
And how often have they been brought to reafon, and peaceably obliged to do juftice,
by the exertion of this conftitutional authority of the peopIe> veiled in their reprefen-
tatives ?

The inhabitants of thefe coronies have, on numberlefs occafions, reaped the benefit
of this authority lodged in their AJfemblies.

It has been for a long time, and now is, a conftant inftruftion to all Governors, to
obtain a permanent fupport for the offices of governme7it . But as the author of
The Adminiftration of the Colonies fays, "this order of the Crown is generally, if
not univerfally, rejefted by the legiflatures of the colonies."

They perfedtly know ho'-cj much their grievances would be regarded, if they had 7:0
other method of engaging attention, than by compl-aining. Thofe who rule, are ex-
tremely apt to think well of the conftructions made by themfelves in fupport of their own
power. Tkefe are frequently erroneous, and pernicious to thofe they govern. Dry re-
monftrances, to fliew that fuch conftruftions are wrong and opprelTive, carry very little
weight with them, in the opinion of perfons who gratify their own inclinations in making
thefe conftruftions. They cannot underftand the reafoning that oppofes their power
and defires. But let It be made their inierejl to underftand fuch reafoning — and a
ivonderful light IS inftantly thrown upon the matter ; and then, rejeded remonftrances
beconiie as clear as " proofs of holy writ. *"

* Skakefpsare.

K The

S4 ^HE farmer's letters.

The three raoft important articles that our AlTemblies, or any legiflatures can provide
for, are, Firft — the defence of the foclety : Secondly — the adminiflration of jultice :
And thirdly — the fupport of civil government.

Nothing can properly regulate the expence of making provifion for thefe occafions,
but the nscejjities of the fociecy; its abilities ; the co7ive?!iency of tjie modes of levying
money in it; xhzvianner\xi which the laws have been executed; and the co7idnd of the
olliccrs of government : All ivhich are circumftances, that cannot poflibly be properly
hio^J^n, but by the fociety i'tfelf ; or if they fhould be known, 'will not probably be pro-
perly confidered but by that fociety.

If money be raifed upon us by others, without our confent, for our " defence," thofe
■who are the judges in levying it, rnufl: alfo be the judges in applying it. Of confequence
the money yl/iiY to be taken from us for our defence, f.\ay be e?nployed\o our injury. We
may be chained in b.y a line of fortifications — obliged to pay for the building and main-
taining them — and be told, that they are for our defence. With what face can we dif-
pute the faiSt, after having granted that thofe v/ho apply the money, had a right to levy
it ? For furely, it is much eafier for their wifdom to underftand how to apply it in the
beft manner, than how to levy it in the beft manner. Befides, the right of levying is of
infinitely more confequence, than that of applying. The people of England, who
would burl! out into fury, if the Crown fhould attempt to levy money by its own autho-
rity, have always affigned to the Crown the application of money.

As to the " adminiflration of juftice" — the judges ought, in a well regulated {late,
to be equally independent of the executive and legiflative powers. Thus in Eiiglandy
judges hold their commifiSons from the Crown " during good behaviour," and have fala-
ries, fultable to their dignity, fettled on them by Parliament. The purity of the courts
of law fince this ellablifliment, is a proof of the wifdom with which it was made.

But in thefe colonies, how fruitlefs has been every attempt to have the judges appoint-
ed " during good behaviour ?'' Yet whoever confiders the matter willfoon perceive, that
fuch cojnmifions are beyond all comparifon more neceffary in thefe colonies, than they
were in England,

The chief danger to the fubje£t there, arofe from the arbitrary deftgns of the Croivn ;
but herCi the time may come, when we may have to contend with the dejigns of the
Cronun, and of a mighty kingdom. What then mud be our chance, when the laws of
life and death are to be fpoken by judges totally dependent on that Cronun, and that
kingdom — fent over perhaps /to?// thence — filled with Br'ttifh prejudices — and backed by
a STANDING army — fupported out of our own pockets, to '* affert and maintain"
OUR OWN "dependence and obedience."

But fuppofing that through the extreme lenity that will prevail in the government
through all future ages, thefe colonies will never behold any thing like the campaign of
Chief Juftice Jeffreys, yet what innumerable acfts of injuftice may be committed, and
how fatally may the principles of liberty be fapped, by a fucceffion of judges utterly in'
dependent of the people? Before fuch judges, the fupple wretches, who cheerfully join
in avowing fentimsnts inconfiftent wh freedom, will aiwayS meet with fmiles j while

th'e

The farmer's LETTERS. g|

the honeft and brave men, who difdain to facrifice their native land to their own advan-
tage, but on every occaGon boldly vindicate her caufe, will conflantly be regarded with
frowns.

There are two other confiderations relating to this head, that deferve the mofl feri-
ous attention.

By the late aft, the officers of the cuftoms are " impov/ered to enter into any house,
warehoufe, (hop, cellar, or other place, in the Britijh colonies or plantations in Ame-
rica, to fearch for or feize prohibited or unaccufcomed goods," d"*:. on " writs granted
by the fuperior or fupreme court of juflice, having jurifdiftion within fuch colony or
plantation refpedively."

If we only refleft, that the judges of thefe courts are to be during pleafure — that
they are to have '•'' adequate provijiori''' made for them, which is to continue during
their complaifant behaviour — that they may ht Jirangers to thefe colonies — what an en-
gine of oppreffion may this authority be in fuch hands ?

I AM well aware, that writs of this kind may be granted at home, under the feal of
the Court of Exchequer : But I know alfo, that the greatefl: afTerters of the rights of
EngliJJoinen have always ftrenuoufly contended, \\i7Lxfuch a poiverw^s dangerous to free-
dom, and exprefsly contrary to the coitimon law, which ever regarded a man's houfe as
his caftle, or a place of perfeft fecurity.

If fuch power vv'as in the leaft degree dangerous there, it mufl be utterly deflruftive to
liberty here. For the people there have two fecurities againft the undue exercife of this
power by the Crown, which are wanting with us, if the late adl takes place. In the
lirft place, if any injuftice is done there, the perfon injured may bring his adion againft
ihe offender, and have it tried before independent judges, who are * no parties in co??z-
mitting the injury. Here he muft have it tried before dependent judges, being the men
fjjho granted the rvrit.

To fay, that the caufe is to be tried by a jury, can never reconcile men who have
any idea of freedom, to fuch a poiver. For we know that fiieriiTs in almofl: every co-
lony on this continent, are totally dependent on the Crown; and packing of juries has
been frequently pradifed even in the capital of the Britiflj empire. Even if juries are
well inclined, we have too many inftances of the influence of over-bearing unjufl judges
upon them. The brave and wife men who accomplifhed the revolution, thought the
independency of judges effential to freedom.

The other fecurity which the people have at home, but which we fliall want here, is
this.

If this power is abufed tl>ere, the Parliament, the grand refource of the opprefTed
people, is ready to afford relief. Redrefs of grievances muft precede grants of money.
But what regard can lue expedt to have paid to our Affemblies, when they will not hold
even the puny privilege of French Parliaments — that of regiftering, before they are put
in execution, the edids that take awey our money.

* The writs for fearching houfes in England, are to be granted •* under the feal of
the Court of Exchequer," according to the ftatuts — and that feal is kept by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, ^th hiji. page 104.

THr

3^

The farmer's LETTERS.

The fecond confideration above hinted at, is this. There is a confiifion in our laws,
that is quite unknown in Great-Britain. As this cannot be defcribed in a more clear
or exad: manner, than has been done by the ingenious author of the hiflory of iVi?iu-7'i9r/{,
I beg leave to ufe his words. " The ftate of cur laws opens a door to much controver-
fy. The uncertainty, with refpedt to them, renders property precarious, and greatly
expofes us to the arbitrary decijion of bad judges. The common law oi England is ge-
rerally received, together with fuch ftatutes as were enadted before we had a legiflature
of our own ; but our courts excrcife a fovereign authority, in determining ivhat parts of
the cotnvjon and Jlatute laiv ouglit to be extended : For it muft be admitted, that the
difference of circumjiances neceflarily requires us, in fome cafes, to reject the deter-
inination of both. In many inftances, they have alfo'extended even afts of Parliament,
pafTed fince we had a difHndt legiflature, ivhich is greatly adding to our co7ifiifion. The
praflice of Our courts is no lefs uncertain than the law. Some of the Englifj rules
are adopted, others rejeded. Two things therefore feem to h^^-hfolutely neceffary
for iht public fecurity. Firft, the pafling an a(5t for fettling the extent of the Englifly
laws. Secondly, that the courts ordain a general fet of rules for the regulation of the
practice."

How eafy it will be, under this " ftate of our laws," for an artful judge, to aft in
the moft arbitrary manner, and yet cover his conduft under fpecious pretences ; and
bow di^cult it will be for the injured people to obtain relief, may be readily perceived.
We may take a voyage of 3000 miles to complain ; and after the trouble and hazard we
have undergone, we may be told, that the colledlion of the revenue, and maintenance of
the prerogative, muft not be difcouraged — and if the miftjehaviour is fo grofs as to ad-
mit of no juftification, it may be faid, that it was an error in judgment only, arifing from
the confufion of our laws, and the zeal of the King's fervants to do their duty.

If the commiffions of judges are during the pleafure of the Croivn, yet. if their fala-
ries are during the pleafure of the people, there will hz fo7ne check upon their conduft.
Few men will confent to draw on themfelves the hatred and contempt of thofe among
whom they live, for the empty honour of being judges. It is the fordid love of gain,
that tempts men to turn their backs on virtue, and pay their homage where they ought
not.

As to the third particular, " the fupport of civil government," — few wordswill be fuf-
ficient. Every man of the leaft underftanding muft know, that the executive power may
be exercifed in a manner fo difagreeable and harraffing to the people, that it is abfolutely
requifite, that they fliould be enabled by the gentleft method which human policy has
yet been ingenious enough to invent, that is, by futting their hands, to " admonish"
(as Mr. Hume fays) certain perfons " of their duty."

What fhall we now think when, upon looking into the late aft, we find the Aflem-
blies of thefe provinces thereby ftript of their authority on thefe feveral heads? The
declared intention of tlie aft is, " that a revenue fhould be raifed in his Majefly's
DOMINIONS in America, for making a more certain and adequate provifion/or dc
frayi7J_g the charge of the adminijiration of juflkei and the fupport of uvil goverttment

ia

The farmer's LETTERS. 37

in fach provinces where it fhall be found necefiary, and towards further defrayhtg the ^
expenses of defending, prote6ii?:g and fecuring the SAID DOMINIONS."

Let the reader paule here one moment — and reflecl— whether the colonyjn which he
lives, has not made fuch " certain and adequate provifion" yor thefe purpofs, as is by the
colony judged fait able to its abilities, and all other circuvifiances . \ hen let ^ira re- •
fle6t — whether if this aft takes place, money is not to be raifed on that colony nvithout
its confent, to mike " provifion" for thefe purpofes, which it does not judge to he
fuitable to its abilities, and all other circiunftances. Laftly, let him refleft — whether
the people of that country are not in a ftate of the moft abjed flavery, ivhofe property may
he take 71 from them under the notion of right, nvken they have refnfed to give it. ^^^^

For. my part, I think I have good reafon for vindicating the honour of the AfTem-
blies on this continent, by pubhcly afferting, that they have made as " certain and
adequate proviftoti''' for the purpofes above?nentioned, as they ought to have 'inade, and
that it (hould not be prefumed, that they will not do it hereafter. Why then fliould
thefe J7ioJi important trujis be v\Arefted out of their hands ? Why fliould they not now be
permitted to enjoy that authority, which they have exercifed from the lirft fettlement of
thefe colonies ? Why fhould they be fcandalized by this innovation, when their re-
fpedlive provinces are now, and will be, for feveral years, labouring under loads of debt,
impofed on them for the very purpcfe now fpoken of? Why flaould all the inhabit
tants of thefe colonies be, with the utmoit indignity, treated as a herd of defpicable
ftupid wretches, fo utterly void of common fenfe, that they will not even make " ade-
quate provifion" for the " adminiftration of juftice, and the fupport of civil govern-"
ment" among them, or for their own " defence" — though without fuch " provifion"
every people muft inevitably be overwhelmed with anarchy and deflrudtion ? Is it polli-
ble to form an idea of a flavery more co?npleat, more niiferable, more difgraceful than
that of a people, where juftice is adniijiiftered, governtnent exercifed, and a Jlanding
army maintained, at the espence of the people, and yet nuithout the leaf dependence
upon them? If we can find no relief from this infamous fituation, it will be fortunate for
us, if Mr. Grenville, fetting his fertile fancy again at work, can, as by one exertion of
it he has ftript us oi oXiX property and liberty, by another deprive us of fo much of our
underftanding, that, unconfcious of what we have been or are,' and ungoaded by tor-
menting reflexions, we may bow down our necks, with all the flupid ferenity of fcrvi- .
tude, to any drudgery, which our lords and mafters fhall pleafe to command.

When the charges of the " adminiftration of juftice," the " fupport of civil govern-
ment," and the expences of " defending, protecting and fecuring" us, are provided for,
I fliould be glad to know, upon %\jhat occajions the Crown will ever call oar AlTemhiies
together. Some few of them may meet of their own accord, by virtue of their
charters. But what will they have to do, when they are met ? To wliat fhadows will
they be reduced ? The men, whofe deliberations heretofore had an influence on every
matter relating to the liberty and happinefs of themfelves and their conftituents, and.
whofe authority in doraeftic affairs at leaft, might well be compared to that of Roman
fenators, will 7iovj find their deliberations of no more coafet^uence, than thofe of con-

■ L Jlables,

SS The FARMER'S LETTERS.

Jiahles. They m^y perhaps be allowed to make laws /cr ike yoking of hogs, or pound'
iJig of Jiray cattle. Their influence will hardly be permitted to extend yi high, as the
keeping roads in repair, as that hujinefs may more properly be executed by ihofe who
receive the public cafli.

One moft memorable example in hiftory is fo applicable to the point now infilled
on, that it will form a jult conclufion of the obfcrvations that have been made,

Spain was once free. Their Cortes refembled our Parliaments. No juoney could
be raifed on the fubjedt, ^without their coffent. One of their Kings having received a
grant from them to maintain a war againft the Moors, defired, that if the fum which
they had given, fliould not be fufficient, he might be allowed, for that emergency
only, to raile more money nvithont afemhrmg the Cortes. The requeft was violently
oppoled by the beft and wifelt men in the Aflembly. It was, however, complied with
by the votes of a majority ; and this fingle conceffion was a precedent for other con-
ceffions of the like kind, until at lafh the Crown obtained a general power of raifing
money, in cafes of neceffity. From that period the Cortes ceafed to be ufeful, — the .
people ceafed to be fee,

Venienti occurrite morho.
Oppofe a difeafe at its beginning.

A FARMER.

LETTER X.

My dear Countrymen,

THE confequences, mentioned in the lad letter, will not be the utmoft limits of our
viifery and ififaniy, if the late adl is acknowledged to be binding upon us. We
feel too fenfibly, that any Minijicrial meafures* relating to thefe colonies, are fcon
carried fuccefsfully through the Parliament. Certain prejudices operate there fo ftrong-
ly againft us, that it may be juftly queftioned, whether all the provinces united, will
ever be able effeftually, to call to an account before the Parliament, any Minifter who
fhall abufe the power by the late aft given to the Crown in Ainerica. He may divide
thefpoils torn from us in what manner he pleafes, a7id nx:e f?all have no luay of making

hi?n

* " The Gentleman muft not wonder he was not contradifted, when, as Minijler,^ he
afferted the right of Parliament to tax America. I know not how it is, but there is a
modejly in this Houfe, ivhich does not choofe to contradift a Minifer. I wifli Gentlemen
would get the better of this modejly. If they do not, perhaps the collcBive body may begin
to abate of its refpeft for the reprefentative.'" Mr. PittV fpeecb.

The farmer's LETTERS. 59

him refponjrrle. If he fiiould order, that every Governor fhall have a 5-early falary of
coool. il'irliRg ; every Chief Juji ice oi 3000I. every inferior oiiicer in pioportion; and
faouid then niward the molt proli'-gate, ignorant, or needy dependents on himfell- or his
friends, with places of die greatelt truli, becaufe they were of the greatcdt profit, this
would be called an arrangement in coaiequence of the "adequate proviiion for defraying
the charge of theadmini'tration ol jullice, and the fupport of ilie civil government:" And
if the taxes fnould prove at any time infufficient to anfwer ail the expcnces of the nura-
berlefs offices, which Minilters may pleafe to create, furely the members of the Houfe
of Commons will be fo " ?nodeJ}," as not to " contradift a Minilter," who fliall tell
them, it is become neceffary to lay a new tax upon the colonies, for the laudable pur-
pofes of defraying the charges of the " adminiftration of juftice, and fupport of civil
government" among them. Thus, in faft, we fhall be taxed* by Minifters, In fliort,
it will be in their power to fettle upon us any civil, ecchjiaftical, or vulitary eltablifli.-
ment, which they choofe.

We may perceive, by the example of IrelaJid, how eager Miniflers are to feize upon
any fettled revenue, and apply it in fupporting their own power. Happy are the men,
zn^ happy the people <vjho groiv "wife by the 7iiisfcrtiines of others. Earnellly, my dear
countrymen, do I befeech the author of all good gifts, that you may grow wife in this
manner ; and if I may be allowed to take fuch a liberty, I beg leave to recommend to
you in genera!, as the befl method of attaining this wifdom, diligently to ftudy the
hiftories of other countries. You will there find all the arts, that can poflibly be prac-
tlfcd by cunning rulers, or talfe patriots among yourfelves, fo fully delineated, that,
changing names, the account would ferve for your own times.

It is pretty well known on this continent, that Ireland has, v/ith a regular confifl-
ency of injufHce, been cruelly treated by Miniflers in the article of peifiom ; but
there are fome alarming circumflances relating to that fubjefl, which I wilh to have
better known among us.

f The revenue of the Crown there arifes principally from the Excife granted "for
pay of the army, and defraying other public charges, in defence and prcfervaticn of

the

* " Within this a£i: (Jiaiute detalla;rjo non concedendo ) are all nen.<3 offices eredled with
vsvj fees, or old ofHces with tievj fees, for tliat is a tallage put upon the fubjecS, which
cannot be done without common afl'ent by ad^ of Parliament. And this doth notably ap-
pear by a petition in Parliament in anno 13 Henry IV. wheie the Commons complain, that an
office was ereiSted for meafurage of cloths and canvas, with a new fee for the fame, by
colour of the King's letters patent, and pray that thefe letters patent maybe revoked, for
that the King could ereft no offices with new fees to be taken of the people, who may not
fobe chargedhutbyParhament." %dlnfi.p. sn,

\ An enquiry into the legality of penfions on the Irijh eftablifliment, by Alexander
M'Auly, Efq; one of the King's Council, e^c.

Mr. Al'July concludes his piece in the following beautiful manner, " If zn-^ penfions
have been obtained on that eflablifnment, to ferve the corrupt purpofes of ajulitious men.' — if
his Majefty's revenues of Ireland have been employed in penfions, to debauch his Majeflfs

fubjcifj

40 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

the kingdom'''' — from the tonnage and additional poundage granted " for protefttng the
trade of the kingdom at fea, and augmenting the public revenue'''' — from the hearth
money granted — as a *' public revenue, for public charges and expences." There
Jire fome other branches of the revenue, concerning which there is rot any exprefs ap-
propriation of them for p u e l i c yt-ri'/ri?, but which were plainly yo intended.

Of thefe branches of the revenue the Crown is only trujiee for the Public. They
are unalienable. They are inapplicable to any other purpofes, but thofe for which they
were efhibliflied ; and therefore are not legally chargeable with penfions.

There is another kind of revenue, which is a private revenue. This is not limited
to any public ufes ; but the Crown has the fame property in it, that any perfon has in
his eltate. This does not amount, at the moft, xo ffteen thoufand pounds a year, pro-
bably not to feven, and is the only revenue, that can be legally charged with penfions.

If Minifters wei-e accuftomed to regard the rights or happinefs of the people, the
penlions in Ireland would not exceed the fum juft mentioned : But long fince have they
exceeded that limit ; and in December 1765, a motion was made in the Houfe of Com-
mons in that kingdom, to addrefs his Majefty on the great increafe of penfions on the
Irifj ertablifliment, amounting to the fum of 158,6841. in the laft tv.'o years.

Attempts have been made to glofs Over thefe grofs encroachments, by this fpecious
argument — " That expending a competent part of the public revenue in penfions, from
a principle of charity or generofity, adds to the dignity of the Crown ; and is there-
fore ufeful to the putlic." To give this argument any weight, it mull appear, that the
penfions proceed from " charity ox generojity only" — and that it " adds to the dignity
of the Crown," to aB direSlly contrary to laiv. —

From this condufl: towards Ireland, in open violation of law, we maj' eafily forefee
vdiat nue may expert, when a Minirter will have the nvhole revenue oi ylmerica.'in his
own hands, to be difpofed of at his own plealure : For all the monies raifed by the

late

fnlje^ls of both kingdoms. — If the treafure of Ireland has been expended in penfions, /i-r
<:orruptin^ 7nen of that ki}igdom to betray their country; and men ol the neighbouring
kingdom, to betray both. — If //-{//» penlions have been procured, to fupport gamejiers and
gaminghoufes; promoting a vice which threatens national luin. — If penfions have been
purloined out of the national treafure oi Ireland, under the 7nafi of falaries annexed to
public offices , ufelefs to the fiat ion; newly invented, yi/- the purpofes of corruption. — If
Ireland, juft beginning to recover from the devaftations of maffacre and rebellion, be ob-
iliudted in the progrefs of her cure, by fnuarms ofpenfonary vultures preying on her vitals,
■ — If, by fquandering the national fubftance of Ireland, in a licentious, unbounded prof ujion
of penfions, inftead of employing it in nourifhing and improving her infant agriculture^
trade and manufaflures, or in enlightening ^x\6. reforming her poor, ignorant, deluded^
fuiferable natives (by nature moft amiable, moft valuable, moft worthy of pubiicatttntion)
' — —If, byfuch abufe of the national fulfance. foth and najiinefs, cold and hunger, naked-
fiefs 'inA ^vretchednefs, popery, depopulation And barbarifni, ftiil maintain their ground;
Jlill deform a cotintry, abounding ivith all the riches of nature, yet hitherto deftincd to
beggary. — \ffuch penffiom be found on the Irifh eftablifhment ; let fuch be cut off: And let
the perfidious advifers be branded with indelible charaiflers of public infamy j adequate, if
poVTible, t-o the diflionour of their crime,"

The farmer's LETTERS. 41

late ad are to be " applied hy virtue of warrants under the fign manual, connteifigned
by the High Treafurer, or any three of the commiffioners of the Treafury," The
RESIDUE indeed is to be " paid into the receipt of the Exchequer, and to be difpofed
of by Parliament." So that a Minifter will have nothing to do, but to take care, that
there (hall be no rejidue, and he is fuperior to all controul.

Besides the burden of pen/tons in Ireland, which have enormoufly encreafed within
thefe few years, almoft all the offices in that poor kingdom, have been, fince the com-
mencement of the prefent century, and now are beftowed w^o'aj} rangers. For though
the merit of perfons born there, juftly raifes them to places of high truft when they go
abroad, as all Europe can witnefs, yet he is an uncommonly lucky Irijhmaji, who can
get a good pofl in his native country.

When I conlider the manner* in which that ifland has been uniformly deprefied for

fo

* In Charles the Second's time, the Houfe of Commons, influenced by fome fai^ious
demagogues, were refolved to prohibit the importation of /r///j cattle into EngL-iiid. A-
mong other arguments in favour of Ireland \t was inlifted — " That by cutting^otFalmoll
entirely the trade between the kingdoms, all the natural bands of iinion^^ere dijfohed, and
nothing remained to keep the Irijh in their duty, but force and violence.^''

" The Kirg (fays Mx.Hu7ne, in his Hiftory oi England ) was fo convinced of the juft^-
nefs of thefe reafons, that he ufed all his intereil to oppofe the bill, and he openly declared,
that he could not give his affent to it with a fafe confcience. But the Commons were refo-
lute in their purpofe." — "And the fpirit oi tyranny, ofivhich nations are as fufcepiible as
individuals, had animated the Englijh extremely to exert their fuperiority over their de'
pendent flate. No affair could be conduced with greater violence than this by the Com-
mons. They even went fo far in the preamble of the bill, as to declare the importation ot
Irijl] cattle to be a nufa7ice. By this exprefTion they gave fcope to their pajfion, and at tha
fame time barred the King's prerogative, by which he might think himfelf intitled to dif-
penfe with ^l-A.v/,fofullqfinjuJliceand bad policy. The Lords expunged the word, but
as the King was fenhble tliat no fupply would be given by the Commons, unlefs they were
gratified in all their prejudices, he was obliged both to employ his intereft with the Feers,
to make the bill pafs, and to give the Royal afl'ent to it. He could not, however, forbear
exprefling his difpleafure, at the jealoufy entertained againft him, and at the intention
which the Commons difcovered, of retrenching his prerogative.

This lavj brought great dijlrefs for fovie time upon Ireland, hut it has occafioned their
applying ivith greater induflry to fuanufailures, and has proved in the ijjiie beneficial to
thai kingdom.^''

Perhaps the fame reafon occafioned the " barring the King's prerogative" in the late aft
fufpendingihe legiflation oi Ne-oo-Tork.

This we may be affiired of, that iv^ are as dear to his Majejly, as the people o£ Creat-
Britaimre. /Fifare his yz/^/V^j- as well as they, a.nd as faithful fubjeifis ; and his Ma-
jefhyhas given too many, too conftant proofs of his piety and virtue, for any man to think
it poffible, that fuch a Prince can make any unjuil diftintflion between fuch fuhjecls. It
makes no difference to his Majeily, whether fupplies are raifedin Great-Britain, or Ame-
rica ; but it makes foji'.e difference to the Commons of that kingdom.

To fpeak plainly, as becomes an honeft man on fuch important occafions, all our misfor-
tunes are ov^'ing to a luji ofpcv:er in men of abilities and infuence. This prompts them to

M feek

42 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

fo many years part, with this pernicious particularity of their Parliament* continuing as
long as the Cronvn pleafes, I am aftoniilied to obfcrvey^tV; a love of liberty ftiil animating
that loyal a-nA generous nation ; and nothing can raife higher my idea of the integrity and
public fpirit\ of a people, who have preferved the facred lire of freedom from being
extinguiflied, though tlie altar on which it burnt, has been overturned.

In the fame manner rtiall we unqueftionably be treated, as foon as the late taxes laid
upon US, fhall make ports in the " government," and the " adminiftration of juftice" here,
v/orth the attcntionofperfonsofinfiuer.ee in Great-Britain. We know enough already
to fatisfy us of this truth. But this will not be tlie woril part of our cafe.

The principals, in all great offices, will relide in England, making feme paltry al-
lowance to deputies for doing tlie bufinefs here. Let any man confider what an ex-
haulHng drain this muft be upon us, when Minifters are poffefTed of t^e power of creating
what polls they pleafe, and of affixing to fuch polls what falaries they pleafe, and he
muft be convinced how deftruftive the late aiS will be. The injured kingdom lately
mentioned, can tell us the mifchiefs of absentees ; and we may perceive already the
fame difpofition takmg place with us. The government of Nenv-Tork has been exercifed
by a deputy. That of Virginia is now held fo ; and we know of a number of fecretary-
fhips, collecftorlliips, and other offices, held in the fame manner.

True

feek popularity by expedients profitable to themfelves, though ever fo deftructive to their
country.

Sucii is the accuvfed nature of lawlefs ambition, and yet — What heart but melts at the
thought! — Such falfe, detelhble patriots, in every Jlate, have led their blind, coniiding
country, ffiouting their applaufes, into the jaws o{ Jha7ne ^nd ruin. I\Iay thewifdora and
goodnefs of the people oi Great- Britain, fave themfrom the ufual fate of nations.
" • — mcntem niortalia tangunt.'^

* The laft Irijh Parliament continued 33 years, during all the late King's reign. The
prefent Parliament there has continued from the beginning of this reign, and probably will
continue till this reign ends.

f I am informed, that v/ithin thefe few years, a petition v.'as prefented to the Houfeof
Commons, fetting forth "that herrings were imported into Ireland from fome foreign
parts of the north fo cheap, as to difcourage the Britijh herring fiffiery, and ihertlore pray-
ing that fome remedy might be applied in that behalf by Parliament."

That upon this petition, the Houfe came to a refolution, to impofe a duty of Two Shil-
lings iterling on every barrel of foreign herrings imported into Ireland', but afterwards
dropt the affair, for fear of engaging in a difputenvith Ireland about the right of takh^g
her.

So much higher was the opinion, which the Houfe entertained of the fpirit of Ireland,
than of that of thefe colonies.

I find, in the laft Engli/h papers, that the refolution and firmnefs with which the people
of Ireland have lately afferted their freedom, have been fo alarming in Great- Britain, that
the Lord Lieutenant, in his fpeech on the 20th oi hUOi'iober, "recommended to that Par-
liament, that fuch provifion may be made for fecuring the Judges in the enjoyment of their
^^iTf'j-and appointments, during their good behaviour, as fliall be thought moft expedient."

What an important conceffion is thus obtained, by making demands becoming freemen,
with a courage and perfeverance becoming freemen !

The farmer's LETTERS. 43

True It is, that if the people of Great-Britain were not too much blinded by the
paiTions, that have been artfully excited in their breads, againii their dutiful children the
colonifts, thefe confiderations would be nearly as alarming to them as to us. The in-
fluence of the Crown was thought by wife men, many years ago, too great, by reafoa
of the multitude of penfions and places bellowed by it, Thefe have been vaftly encreafed
fmce*, and perhaps it would be no difficult matter to prove that the people have
decreafed.

Surely therefore, thofe who wifh the welfare of their country, ought ferioufly to
reiiedt, what may be the confequence of fuch a new creation of offices, in the difpofal
of the Crown. The arviy, the adiniinfiration of jiijiice, and the ciz'il government
here, with fuch falaries as the Crown iliall pleafe to annex, will extend ISiiniJIerial
ififluence as much beyond its former bounds, as the late war did the Briiijl? dominions.

But whatever the people of Great-Britain may think on this occafion, I hope the
people of thefe colonies will unanimouily jom in this fentiment, that the late ad of
Parliament is injurious to their liberty, and that this fentiment will unite them in a firm
oppofition to it, in the fame manner as the dread of the Stavip-Aft did.

Some perfons may imagine the funis to be raifed by it, are but fmall, and therefore
may be inclined to acquiefce under it. A conduit more dangerous to freedom, as before
has been obferved, can never be adopted. Nothing is wanted at home but a frece-
DENxf, the force of which fliall be eftablirtied, by the tacit fubmiffion of the colonies.
With what zeal was the ftatute erefting the poit-office, and another relating to the

recovery

* One of the reafons urged by that great and honeft ftatefman, Sir William Temple, to
fZ-^rAv the Second, in his famous lemonftrance, to diffuade him from aiming at arbitrary
power, was, that the King " had few offices to beftow," Hume\ Hift. of England.

" Tho' the wings of prerogative have been dipt, the influence of the Crown is greater than
ever it was in any period of our hiftory. For when we confider in hov/ many l-«)ro.ighs the go-
vernment has the votes at command ; when we conhder the vaft body of perfons employed,
in the colledion of the revenue, in every part of the kingdom, the inconceivable number of
placemen, and candidates for places in the cuftoms, in t'heexcifc, in the poft-office, in the"
dock-yaids, in the ordnance, in the falt-cffice, in the ftamps, in the navy and viflualling
offices, and in a variety of other departments; when we conhder again the extenlive influ-
ence of the money corporations, fubfcription jobbers and contraftois, the endlefs depend-
encies created by the obligations conferred on the bulk of the Gentlcmens families ti:irough-
outthe kingdom, who have relations preferred in our navy and numerous ftanding aimy ;
when I fay, we conlider how wide, how binding a dependence on the Crown is created by
the above enumerated particulars, andthegreat, the enormous weight and influence which
the Crown derives from this extenlive dependence upon its favour and power, any Lord in
waiting, any Lord of the Bedchamber, any man may be appointed Minifter,"

Ado(ftrine to this effefl is faid to have been the advice of L K . Late Nenv/paper.

t " Here may be obferved, that when any ancient law or cuftora of Parliament is broken,
and the Crown poffefTed of a precedent, how difficult a thing it is to rejlore the fuhjeti a-
gain to his fanner freedom andfafety." id Coke's Inf. page 529,

" It is not almoft credible xoforefee, when any maxim or fundamental lan.ijo'i\\\\% realm
is altered (aselfewhere hath been obferved) \i\\'iX dangerous inco7iveniencies do follow."

itth Coke's Inji , f>age 41.

44 The FARMER^s LETTERS.

recovery of debts in America, urged and tortured, as precedents In fupport of the
Stamp- An, thougH wholly inapplicable. If the Parliament fucceeds in this attempt,
other ftatuten will impofe other duties. Inftead of taxing ourfelves, as we have been
accuftomed to do, from the firft fettlement of thefe provinces, all our ufual taxes will
be converted into Parliamentary taxes on our importations ; and thus the Parliament
•will levy upon us fuch fums of money as they chufe to take, 'without any other limi"
tation than their pleafure.

We know how much labour and care have been beftowed by thefe colonies, in lay-
ing taxes in fuch a manner, that they fhould be moft eafy to the people, by being laid
on the proper articles ; mod equal, by being proportioned to every man's circumftances ;
and cheapeji, by the method diredled for collediing them.

But Parliajncntary taxes will be laid on us, without any 'confideration, whether
there is any eafier mode. The only point regarded will be, the certainty of levyi7jg the
taxes, and not the convenience of the people on whom they are to be levied ; and there-
fore all Itatutes on this head will be fuch as will be mofi likely, according to the fa-
vourite phrafe, " to execute theinfelves"

Taxes in every free (late have been, and ought to be, as tyi-^diX^ proportioned as is
fojfible to the abilities of ihofe nvho are to pay them. They cannot otherwife he juji.
Even a Hottentot would comprehend the unreafonablenefs of making a poor man pay
as much for " defending" the property of a rich man, as the rich man pays himfelt.

Let any perfon look into the late ad of Parliament, and he will immediately per-
ceive, that the immenfe eftates of Lord Fairfax, Lord Baltimore*, and our Proprie-
taries, which are amongft his Majefty's other dominions to be *' defended, protefted
and fecured" by the adl, will not pay a fingle farthing for the duties thereby impofed,
except Lord Fairfax wants fome of his windows glazed j Lord Baltimore and our
Proprietaries are quite fecure, as they live in England.

I MENTION thefe particular cafes, as ftriking inltances how far the late aft is a de-
viation from that principle of jujiice, which has fo conftantly diftinguiHied our own
laws on this continent, and ought to be regarded in all laws.

The third confideration with our continental Affemblies inlaying taxes, has been the
method of collefting them. This has been done by a few officers, with moderate allow-
ances, under the infpedtion of the refpedive Afl'emblles. No more 'was raifed fro7u
the fubje^l, than was ufed for the Intended purpofes. But by the late aft, a MInifter
may appoint as many officers as he pleafes for collefting the taxes ; may affign them
'what falaries he thinks " adequate ;" and they are fubjeft to no infpeHion hut his o'wn.

In fliort. If the late aft of Parliament takes effeft, thefe colonies muft dwindle down
into *' common corporations,'" as their enemies, in the debates concerning the repeal of

the

* Maryland and Pennfylvania have been engaged In the warmeft difputes, In order to
obtain an equal andjuft taxation of their Proprietors eftates : But this late aft of Parliament
does more for thofe Proprietors, than they themfelves would venture to demand. It total-
ly exempts them from taxation tho' their vaft ellates are to be " fecured" by the

taxes of other people.

The farmer's LETTERS. 4^-

tlie Stamp'AB, flremioujly hiftjled they itjere ; and it feems not improbable that fome
future hiftorian may thus record our fall.

" The eighth year of this reign was difiinguifhed by a very tneviorahle event, the
' j4msrican colomts then fubmitting, for the F/i2 5 7" time, to be /^xr/by the ^r;V//7?
iParliament. An attempt of this kind had been made about two years before, but -was
defeated by the vigorous exertions of the feveral provinces, in defence of their liber-
ties. Their behaviour on that occafion rendered their name very celebrated.y^r a Jliort
time all over Europe ; all ftates being extremely attentive to a difpute between Great-
Britai?:, and fo confiderable a part of her dominions. For as fhe was thought to be
grown too powerful, by the fuccefsful conclufion of the late war fhe had been engaged in,
it was hoped, by many, that as it had happened before to other l^ingdoms, civil dif-
cords would afford opportunities of revenging all the injuries fuppofed to be received
from her. However, the caufe of diflention was removed, by a repeal of the ftatute
that had given offence. This affair rendered the ^^^;;///7/Vi? co«rt'«(? of the colonies fo
foon after, the more extraordinary ; there being 720 difference between the mode of
taxation which they oppofed, and that to which they fubmitted, but this, that by the
■fir/l:, they were to be continually reminded that they -vjere taxed, by certain marks
Jlamped on every piece of paper or parchment they ufed. The authors of tkat Jtatute
triumphed greaiiy on this condufl of the colonies, and infilled, that if the people of
Great-Britain had perfifted in enforcing it, the Americans would have been, in a few
monxh^ , fo fat igued nuith the efforts ofpatriotifin, that they would have yielded obedience.
" Certain it is, that though they had before their tyczfo 7Tia7iy illiijlrious exain-
ples in their Mother country, of the conjlant fnccefs attending /r/z/w^y? and perfevernnce,
in oppofition to dangerous encroachments on liberty, yet they quietly gave up a point
of the " laji importance.'''' From thence the decline of their freedom began, and its
decay was extremely rapid ; for as inoney was always raifed upon them by the Parlia-
ment, their Jffetnblies grew immediately ufelefs, and in a fhort time contcjiiptihle : And
in lefs than one hundred years, the people funk down into that ta7uenefs and fupineTiefs
of fpiritj by which they flill continue to be diftinguifhed."

Et majores vejiros eir pojteros cogitate.

Remember your anceftors and your poflerlty.

A F A R M E R.

LETTER XL

My dear Countrymen,

I HAVE fei'eral times, in the courfe of thefe letters, mentioned the late adl of Par-
liament, as \i6.vtgx\\& foundat'ion of future meafures injurious to thefe colonies ; and
the belief of this truth I v/ifli to prevail^ becaufe I think it neceSary to our fafety.

, -. . A TER-

^ N

4^ The FARMER'S LETTERS.

A PERPETUAL jealoiify, refpcaing liberty, Js abfalutely requifite in all free ftates,
Ihe very texture of their conftitution, in mixt governments, demands it. For the
cautions with which power is dijiributed among the feveral orders, imply that each has
that iharewhicli is proper for the general welfare, and therefore that any further acqui-
lition muft be pernicious. Machravel* employs a whole chapter in his difcourfes, to
prove that a (late, to be long lived, muft be frequently correded, and reduced to its.
.irlt principles. But of all ftates that have exifted, there never was any, in which this
jealouly could be more proper than in thefe colonies. For the government here is not
on.y 7?2ixt, but dt^petidenty wlxich circumllance occafions a peculiarity in its form, of a
very delicate naiure.

^ Two reafons induce me to defire, that th-is fpirit of apprehenfion may be always
Kept up a.mong us, in its utmoft vigilance. The fir.ft is this— that as the happinefs of
t.iele provinces indubitably confifls In their connexion with G/-^^/-i?rzVa/«, any fepa-
ration between them is lefs likely to be occafioned by civil difcords, if every difgufting
meafure is oppofed fmglyy and njohile it is nenu : For in this manner of proceeding,
^,yp'"y. y^^^. fneafure is moft likely to be reaified. On the other hand, opprelTions and
dilTatisfaclions being permitted to accumulate—// ever the governed throw off the load,
t/?ey 'will do more. A people does not reform with moderation. The rights of the
iubjea therefore cannot be too often confidered, explained or afTerted :. And whoever-
attempts to do this, fhews hirafelf, whatever may be the rafh and peevifli refletflions of
pretended Wifdoro,, and pretended duty, a friend to thofe who. injudlcioafly exercife
their power, as well as to //;<?;;/, over whom it is fo exercifed.

Had all the points of prerogative claimed by Charles the Firft, been feparately con-
telted and fettled in preceding reigns, his fate would in all probability have been very
different; and the people would have been content with. that liberty which is compatible
with regal authority. But-f- he th®ught, it would be as dangerous for him to give up
tlie powers which at any time had been by ufurpatlon exercifed by the Crown, as thofe
that were legally vefted in it. This produced an equal excefs on th^ part of the people..
For when their paflions were excited by multiplied grievances, they thought it would
be as dangerous for them to allow the powers that were legally vefted in the Crown, as
thofe which at any time had been, by ufurpaiion exercifed by it. Atfls, that might hy
ihenifehes have been upon many confiderations excufed or extenuated, derived a con-
tagious malignancy and odium from other ads, with which they were connecfted. They
were not regarded according to the fimple force of each, but as parts of a fyftem of
oppreiiion. Every one therefore, however fmall in itfelf, became alarming, as an addi-
tional evidence of tyr-annical defigns. It was in vain for .prudent and moderate men to

infift,

* MachiavePs^ Difcourfes— Book 3. Chap. 1.

t The author is fenlible that this is putting the gentleft conftrudlion or\Charles\ con-
ou«5l ; and that is one reafon why he choofes it. Allowances ouglit to be made for the er-
rors of thofe mea, who ate acknowledged to have been pofTefTed of many virtues. The,
education of this unhappy prince, and his confidence in men not fo good or wife as him-
ieif, had probably^Z/d-^him with millaken notions of his own authority, and of the confe-'
quences^ that would attend conceffions of apy kind to a people, who were, reprefented ta
kim, as aiming at too much power.

The farmer's LETTERS. 47

infifl, that there was no neceffity to abolifli Royalty. Nothing lefs than the uiter
dertruflion of monarchy, could fatisfy thofe who had fuffcred, and thought they had.
reafon to believe, they alwciys JI:>ouU fuffcr under it.

The confequences of thefe mutual diftrufls are well known : But there is no other
people mentioned in hiftory, that I recollefl:, who have been fo conftuntly watchful of
their hberty, and fo fuccefsful in their llruggles for it, as the EnglijJj. I'iiis confidera-
tioa leads me to the fecond reafon, why I " dehre that the fpiiit of apprehenfion may
be always kept up among us in its utmolt vigilatice,"

The firrt principles of government are to be looked for in human nature. Some of
tke beft writers have aflerted, and it, feeras with good reafon, that " government is
founded on * opinion.'"

Custom undoubtedly hts a mighty force in producing o/'/«;<j«, and reigns in nothing
more arbitrarily than in public affairs. It gradually reconciles us to objects even of dread
nnd deteflation ; and I cannot but think thefe lines of Mr. i'ope as ap^-Iicable to vice jn
politics, aa to vice in ethics. —

*' Vice is a monfter of fo horrid mien,
** As to be hated, needs but to be feenj
** Yet feen too eft, familiar with her face,
" We firft endure, then pity, then embrace.''^
Wlien an a<5l injurious to freedom has been once done, and the people hear it, the repe-
tition of it is moft likely to meet with fubmijjion. For as the mi/chie/ of ih& one was
found to be tolerable, they will hope that of the fecond will prove fo too ; and they
will not regard the infamy of the laft, becaufe they are ftained with that of the firflr.

Indeed nations, in general, are not apt to think until thty feel ; and therefore na»
tions in general have loll: their liberty : For as violations of the rights of the governed,
are commonly not only \fpecious, but y;/'^^// at the beginning, they ipread over the mul-
titude in fuch a manner, as to touch individuals but {lightly. -j- Thus they are difre-

garded.
* 0/i/«i(j« is of twakinds, viz. opinion of i-^TEiLZsr, 2.nd opinion of kight , By opi-
nion of inter ejl, I chiefly undetftand, the fenfe of the public advantage nvhich is reaped
from government ; together with the perfuafion, that the particular government which is
eftabli-fhed, is equally advantageous with any other, that could be eafily fettled

" Right is of two kinds, right to ponver, and right to property. What prevalence opi-
nion of the firft kind has over mankind, may eaiily be underfiood, by obferving.the attachment
which all nations have to their antient government, and even to thofe names which have had
the landtion of antiquity. Antiquity airways begets the opinion of right''' — " It is fufficient-
ly underftood, th^irhQ opinion of right x.o property, is of the greateft moment in all mat-
ters of government." ■ Hume's EJJays..
II Omnia mala exempla ex bonis initiis orta funt Sallust. Bell. Cat. S. so.
f •' The republic is always attacked with greater vigour, than it is defended : For the
audacious and profligate, prompted by their natural enmity to it, are eafly iynpeUed to aft
\iy x.\\e leaf nod of \.\\^\x leaders : Whereas the honest, I know not why,, are. generally,
Jlomj and unvjilling to ftir ; and neglefting alv/ays the B E GINNING S of things, are.
w^t^d-r roz(/^^ to exert themfelves, but by the lafi tiecejjlty : So that through irresolu-
tion and DELAY, when they would be glad to compound at laft for their x^uiet, at the.
cxpence even of their honour, they commonly lofe them eg t h ."

CiCERo's C?r^/.y^rSEXTius.

Suck.

48

The farmer's LETTERS.

garded. The power or profit that arifes from thefe violations, centering in fetv per-^
Jons, is to them confiderable. For this reafon xh^ governors having in view their par-
ticular purpofes, fucceffively pr^ferve an uniformity of conduct for attaining them.
They regularly encreafe the firft injuries, till at length the inattentive people are com-
pelled to perceive the heavinefs of their burthens, — They begin to complain and en-
quire— but too late. They find their oppreflbrs fo ftrengthened by fuccefs, and them-
felves fo entangled in examples of exprefs authority on the part of their rulers, and of
tacit recognition on their own part, that they are quite confounded : For millions en-
tertain no other idea of the legality of power, than that it is founded on the exercife of
power. They voluntarily fallen their chains, by adopting a pufillaniraous opinion,
" that there will be too much da?iger in attempting a remedy," — or another opinion no
lefs fatal, — " that the government has a right to treat them as it does." They then
feek a wretched relief for their minds, by perfuading themfelves, that to yield their
obedience, is to difcharge their duty. The deplorable poverty of fpirit, that proftrates
all the dignity bellowed by Divine Providence on our nature — of courfe fucceeds.

From thefe reilecftions I conclude, that every free flate Ihould inceflantly watch, and
inftantly take alarm on any addition being made to the power exercifed over them. In-
numerable inftances might be produced to fliew, from what flight beginnings the moft
extenfive confequences have flowed : But I fliall feledt two only from the hiftory of
England.

Henry the Seventh was ths firji monarch of that kingdom, who eftabliflied a
Jlanding body of ar7ned fnen. This was a band o? fifty archers, called Yeomen of the
Guard : And this inflitution, notwithftanding the fmallnefs of the number, was, to pre-
vent difcontent, J " difguifed under pretence- of majefty and grandeur." In 1684
the (landing forces were fo much augmented, that Rapin fays — " The King, in order
to make his people felly fenfible of their nenu Jlavery, affedted to mufler his troops,
which amounted to 4000 well armed and difciplined men."" I think our army, at this
time, confifts of mare xX^^lW feventy regiments.

The method of taxing by excise was firfl: introduced amidfl: the convulfions of the
civil wars. Extreme necelTity was pretended for it, and its fhort continuance promifed.
After the reftoration an excife upon beer, ale and other liquors, was granted to the
\ King, one half in fee, the other for life, as an equivalent for the court ofivards.
Upon Jatnes the Second's acceflion, the Parliament * gave him the firft excife, with an
additional duty on nvine, tobacco, and fome other things. Since the revolution it has
been extended to fait, candles, leather, hides, hops, foap, paper, pafteboards, mill-
boards, fcaleboards, vellum, parchment, ftarch, filks, calicoes, linens, fluffs, printed,
ilained, <bc. wire, wrought plate, coffee, tea, chocolate, 6'c".

Thus

Such were the fentiments of this great and excellent man, whofe vafl: abilities, and the
calamities of his country during his time, enabled him, by mournful experience, to form
a juft judgment on thecondud of the friends and enemies of liberty,

X Rapin's Hiftory of England,

f 12 Char. 11. Chap. 23 and 24,

* I James II. Chap, i and 4.

The farmer's LETTERS. 49

Thus "i. Jiandlng army and excife havCj from their firft flender origins, though al-
waj's hat ad., ^.IwA'js feared ^ alv/ays oppofsd, at length fwelled up to their vafr prcfent
bulk.

These faiSls are fufEcient to fupport what I have faid. 'Tis true, that all the mif-
chiefs apprehended by our ancedors from ^.Jlanding army and excife, have not _>■!?/ hap-
pened: But it does not follow from thence, that they nvill not happen:. The infide of
a houfe may catch lire, and the moil valuable apaitments be ruined, before the flames
burlt out. The queiHon in thefe cafes is not, what evil has afliiully attended particular
meafures — but what evil, in the nature of things, is likely tc attend xhtm. Certain clr-
cumflances may for fome time delay effedts, that 11;^^;? reafonably er.pe^ed, and that intiji
enfue. There was a long period, after the Rc:nans had prorogued his command to
* J^. Publilius Philo, before that example deftroyed their liberty. All our Kings,
from the revolution to the prefent reign, have been foreigners. Their Minijiers gene-
rally continued but a fhort time in authority t ; and they themfelves vv^ere viild and
virtuous princes.

A BOLD, ambitious Prince, po/TeiTed 0? great ahiliiies, {irmXy fxed in his throne by
defcent, ferved by minijiers like himfelf, and rendered either venerable or terrible by
\^t glory of his fuccejfes, may execute what his predecefTors did not dare to attempt.
Henry the Fourth tottered in his feat during his whole reign. Henry the Fifth drew the
ftrength of that kingdom into France, to carr}'' on his wars there, and left the Commons
at home, prAefting, " that the people were not bound to ferve out of the realm."

It is true, that a flrong fpirit of liberty fubfifts at prefent in Great-Britain; but
what reliance is to be placed in the temper of a people, V'/hen the Prince is pofTefTed of
an unconlHtional power, our own hiflory can fufhciently inform us. When Charles the
fecond had ftrengthened himfelf by the return of the garrifon o^Ta?igier, England {{2i^%
Rapin) faw on a fudden an amazing revolution; faw \\t\{t\ifl ripped of all her rights
and privileges excepting fuch as the King fhould vouchfafe to grant her: And what is
viore afionifi?ig, the Engliflo themfelves, delivered up thefe very rights and privileges
to Charles the Second, which they had fo pafionately, and, if I may fay it, furioufy
defended againft the defigns of Charles the Firil." This happened only thirty-Jix years
after this lad: Prince had been beheaded.

Some perfons are of opinion, that liberty is not violated, but by fuch open afts of
force ; but they feem to be greatly miftaken. I could mention a period within thefe

forty

* In the year of the city 4285 "Duo fingularia hcEC ei viro primum contigere; prorogatio
imperii non ante in ullofaita, et ado honore triumphus." Liv. B.8. Chap. 23, 26.

" Had the reft of ihe Roman citizens imitated the example of L. ^rintfus, v:ho refu-
fed to have liis confulfliip continued to him, they had never admitted that cuftom of pro-
roguing of Magiftrates, and then the prolongation of their commands in the aimy had never
been introduced, ivhich very thing nvas at length the ruin of that co7nmonivealth.'"

MachiaveTs Difccurfes, B. 3. Chap. 24.

X I don't "know but it may be faid, with a good deal of reaibn, that a quick rotation of
Minifters is very defirable in Great-Britain. A Minifter there has a vail ftore of materials
to vvfork with. Lo?2g adminijirations are rather favourable to the reputation of a people
abroad, than to their liberty, O

so The FARMER'S LETTERS.

forty yea.r5, v^hen almofi: as great a ch:mgc of difpofition was produced by the secret
mearures of a /swjf adminiftriition, as by 6'^rt/-/fj^'s violence. Liberty, perhaps, is never
expofed. to fo ranch danger, as when the people believe there is the lead ; for it may
be fubverted, and yet they not think, fo.

Public difgufting a(!^s are fddom pradtifed by the ambitious, at the beginning of their
defigas. Such conduQ: J//efjces and difcouragc^s the weak, and the wicked, who would
ctherwife have been their advocates or accomplices . It is of great confequence, to allow
thofe who, upon any account, are inclined to favour them, fomething fpecious to fay
in their defence. Their power may be fully eftablifned, though it Vvould not be fufe for
fhem to do ivbeittver tkey pleafe. For there are things, which, at fonie times, even
/laves vj'\\\ not bear. Julius Cafar, and Oliver Cromhuell, did not dare to afllirae tlie
title of iw'-Tg-. Th^ C7-a'nd Seignor A'^xt% not lay a ne^w tax. The King of France
dares not be ■A.protefiant . Certain popular points may be left untouched, and yet free-
dom be extinguifhed. Tlie commonalty of Venice imagine iliemfelves free, becaufe they
are permitted to do what they ouglu not. But I ouit a fubjcd, that would lead me
too far from my purpoie.

By the late adt of Parliament, taxes are to be levied upon us, for " defraying the
charge of the ad>niniJiration ofjujiice — the fupport of civil govenr/Ment — and the ex-
pences of defending his Majefty's dominions in /huei ica."

If any man doubts what ought to be the conduct of thcfe colonies on this occafion, I
would alk him thefe quefHons,

Plas not the Parliament gxprefsly avowed their intention of raifing money from
\\% for certain purpofes ? Is not this {ohzmt popular in Great-Britain ? Will the taxes,
impofed by the late afl, anf'wer thofe purpofes ? If it will, mud it not take an immeufe
funi from us ? If it will not, /'/ it to he expecled, that the Parliament will not fully exe-
cute their intention when it \% pleafing at hotne, and 7iot oppofed here? Mufl: not this be
done by impofing new taxes? Will not every addition, thus made to our taxes, be an addi-
tion to the power of the Britijl? legiflature, by increajing the number cf ojfcers employ-
ed in the colledlon ? Will not every additional tax therefore render it more difficult to
abrogate any of them ? When a branch of revenue is once edabliflied, does it not appear
TO many people invidipus and undntiful, to attempt to abolifh it ? If taxes, fufficient to
accomplijl? the intention of the Parliament, are impofed by the Parlijcment, ivhat
taxes ivill remain to be impofed by our Affemblies ? If 710 ?naterial taxes remain to be
impofed by them, v,'hat mull become of //;<?;//, and the people they reprefent ?

* " If any perfon confiders thefe things, and yet thinks our liberties are in no danger,
I wonder at that perfon's fecurity."

One other argument is to be added, which, by itfelf, I hope, will be fufficient to
convince the moft incredulous man on this corjtinent, that the late ad of Parliament is
only defigned to be a precedent, whereon the future vaflalage of thefe colonies may
be eftabliflied.

Every duty thereby laid on articles 0? Br it if} manufadure, is laid on fome commo-
dity, upon the exportation of which from Gt eat-Britain, a draivlack is payable. Thofe

dra'vjbackSf
* Demollhenes's zd Philippic,

The farmer's LETTERS. 51

dra-wlacks. In mofl of the articles, are exa.^ly double to the dnties given by tl^ late
aa The Parliament therefore might, in half a dozen lines, have railed much morQ
money, only hy Jlopping the dra^.vhacksm the hands of the officers at home, on exporia*
tion to thefe colonics, than by this folemn impofition of taxes upon ns, to be colJected
here. Probably, the artful contrivers of this aft formed it in this manner, in order to
r.-ferve to themfclves, in cafe of any objections being nK-ide to it, this fpccious pretence—
" that the drawbacks are gifts to the colonies, and that the late aft oniy leiTens thole
•-ifts." But the truth is, that the drawbacks are intended for the encouragement and
promotion of Britijl? manufa<fi:ures and commerce, and are allov/ed on exportation to any
foreign parts, as well as on exportation to thefe provinces. Besides, care has beea
taken to flide into the a<ft, fome articles on which there are no drawbacks. Hov/ever,
the 'vjhole duties laid by the late act on all the articles therein fpecified Krefofniall, that
they v/i!l not amount to as 7?iuch as the dra'wbacks which are allowed on part of them
only. If therefore, the fum to be obtain fid by the late a^, had been ihe fole ohje^ in
forminpit, there would not have been any occafion for "the Co}n7nof?s of Great-Britain,
to oive^vA grant to his Majefty rates and duties for raijing a revenue in his Majejif^
dominions in A?nerica, for making a more certain and adequate proviflon for defraying
the charges of the adminiilration of juftice, the fupport of civil government, and the
expence of defending the faid dominions ;" — nor would there have been any occafion for
an \ expenfive Board of Commiflioners, and all the other new charges to which we are
made liable.

Upon the whole, for my part, I regard the late a£1: as an experiment made of our
difpofition. It is a bird fent out over the waters, to difcover, whether the waves, that
lately agitated this part of the v/orld with fuch violence, are yet fubfded. \i this ad-
venturer gets footing here, we fliall quickly find it to be of the \ kind defcribed by the
poet.

" Infelix vates .''''

A direful foreteller of future cailamities.

A FARMER.

L E T-

f The expence of thisEorxrd, I nm informed, is betvv'een Four and Five Thoufimd Pounds
fterling a year. The eftabiiihment of officers, for collec^ViOg the revenue in yJmerica, a-
niountcd before to Seven Thcufand Six Hundied Pounds per annum; and yet, fays the
author of " The legulation of the colonies," " the v/hole remittance from i-?// the taxes in
the colonies, at an average ot thirty years, has not amounted to One Thoufand Nine Hun-
dred Pounds a year, and in that fum Seven or Eight Hundred Pounds per annujn oiily,
have been remitted from North-America.

The fmallnefs of the revenue arilingfrom the duties in America, demonftrates that they
were intended only as regulations of trade: And can any perfcn be fo blind to truth, fo
dull of apprehenlion in a matter of unfpeakable importance to his country, as to imagine,
that the Board of Commillioners lately eftablilhed at fuch a charge, is inilituted to ailiif in
collecting One Thoufand Nine Hundred Pounds a year, or the trifling duties impoftd by the
late aft? Surely every man on this continent muft perceive, that they are efwbliffied
Sr the care of a nei.v fyftevi of revenue, which is but now begun,

' " Dira caelseno," irr. /7/-!|/7, lEneid i.

Si The FARMER'S LETTERS.

L E T T E

My dear CountrYxMEN,

SOME dates have loft their liberty, h^ particular accidents ; But this calamity Is
generally owing to the decay of virtue. K people is travelling fall to deftrudion,
when Individuals conlider their interefts as diftint^t from thofc of the public. Such no-
tions are fatal to their country, and to themfelves. Yet how many are tliere, fo •weak
^rxA fordid as to t-.ink they perform all the offices of life, if they earneilly endeavour to
cncreafe their ov.n •wealth, po^.ver, and credit, without the leaft regard foi the focrety,
under the protcclion of which they live ; who, if they can make an ijmnediaie profit to
thsvifelves, by lending their affiftance to thofe, whofe projecls plainly tend to the injury
of their country, rejoice in their dexterity, and believe themfelves entitled to the cha-,
rafter oi ahle politiciaJis. Miferable men ! Of whom it is hard to fay, whether they
ought to be moft the objefts q^ pity or coiitenipt. But whofe opinions are certainly as
detsflahle, as their pradices are defiruftive.

Though I always refledl, v/ith a high pleafure, on the integrity and underflandirg of
my countrymen, which, joined with a pure and humble devotion to the great and graci-
ous author of every bleffing they enjoy, will, I hope, enfure to them, and their polleri-
Ty, all temporal and eternal happinefs; yet when I confider, that in every age and
country there have been bad men, my heart, at this threatening period, is fo full of ap-
preheniion, as not to permit me to believe, but that there may be fome on this continent,
againjl nuhovi you ought to be upon your guard — Men, who either * hold, or expeft to

hold

* It is not intended, by thefe v/ords, to throw any reflecT;ion upon Gentlemen, becaufe
tliey are poffeffed of offices: For many of them are certainly men of virtue, and lovers of
their country. But fuppofed obligations of gratitude, and honour, may induce them to
be filent. Whether thefe obligations ought to be regarded or not, is not fo much to be con-
lidered by others, in the judgment they form of thefe Gentlemen, as whether they think
they ought to be regarded. Perhaps, therefore, v/e fliall aft in the propcreft manner to-
wards them, if we neither reproach nor imitate them. The perfons meant in this letter,
are the bafe fpirited ^wretches, who may endeavour to dijiinguijh themfelves, by their
fordid zeal in defending and promoting meafures, \v\\\z\i they know;, heyotid all queftiov, to
be de/lruflive to the jujl rights and true interefts of their country. It is fcarceiy polhble to
fpeak 0^ thefe men \\\x.\\ any degree of p^^Z/Vwcc" — It is fcarceiy polfible to fpcak of them with
any degree of propriety — For no words can truly defcribe their guilt and mcannef — But
•every honeft bofom, on their being mentioned, will ^/It/ what cannot be cxprefj'ed.

_ If their wickednefs did not blind them, they might perceive along the coaft oF thefe colo-
liies, many men, remarkable inftances of wrecked ambition, who, after dlfivguifbing
themfelves in the fupport of the Stamp- /IlI, by a courageous contempt of their country,
•and of jultice, have been left to linger out their miferable cxillence, witiiout a government,

colledtorfliip,

The farmer's LETTERS. 53

hold certain advantages, by fetting examples of fervility to their countrx'men — Men, who
trained to the employment, or felf taught by a natural verfaiility of genius, ferve as de-
coys for drawing the innocent and unwary into fnares. It is not to be doubted but that
fuch men will diligently beftir themfelves on this and every like occafion, to fpread the
infediion of their meannefs as far as they can. On the plans they have adopted, tliis is
ikc'ir courfe. This is the method to recommend themfelves to xhcir pat ro7is.

From ihem we fnall learn, how pleafant And profitable ^ thing it is, to be for our
SUBMISSIVE behaviour nvell fpoken of at St . Jav:es's, or St. Stephen's', at Gnti'dhall,
or the Royal Exchange. Specious fallacies will be dreft up with all the arts of delufion,
to perfuade one colony to diJlifiguiJJj herfelf frovi another, bv unbecoming condefcenti-
ons, ivhich nvill ferve the ambitious purpofes of great men at home, and therefore v/ill be
thought by them to entitle their ajjiftants in obtaining them to confiderable rewards.

Our. fears will be excited. Our hopes will be avi/akened. It will be infinuated to
us, with a plaafible affectation of '■jjifdom and co?2cern, how prudent it is to pleafe tlie^
po'wcrful — how dangerous to provoke them — and then comes in the perpetual incantation

that freezes up every generous purpofc of the foul in cold, inadlive expectation " that

if there is any requelt to be made, compliance will obtain a favourable attention."

Our vigilance and our union are fuccefs s-nd fafety . Our jiegligence and our dii'ijion
are dijirefs zxiA death. They are nuorfe-'-Thty ?i.x& fjame '.iXid Jlavery . Let us equally
fliun the benumbing ftillnefs of overnveeningfoth, and the feverifh adtivity of that /// in-
forvied zeal, which bufies itfelf in maintaining little, vieen and 7iarro<vj opinions. Let us,
with a truly wife generofity and charity, banilh and difcourage ail illiberal diflinCiions,
which may arife from differences mfituation, forms o^ go'jernment, or modes oi religi-
on. Let us confider ourfelves z.smen-'-free7Jien—chriJtianfreemeti-—feparatedfro}!i

the

cblle<5lorfliip, fecretaryfiilp, or any other commiffion, to confole them ^j- 'vjell as it could,

for lofs of virtue and leputation while numberlefs offices have been beftowed in tiiefe

colonies on people from Great-Britain, and new ones are continually invented, to be thus
bellowed. As ^fen.v great prizes aie put into a lottery to tempt multitudes to lofe, fo here

and there an /Imerican has been raifed to a good pofl.

" Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vajlo."
Mr. Grenvtllc, indeed, in order to recommend the St amp- Aft, had the uttequallcdgtncxo^ity,
to pour down a golden ihower of offices upon Ajnericans ; and yet thefe ungrateful colo-
nies did not thank iMr. Grenvilleiox ffiewinghis kindnefs to their countrymen, nor ?Zv;;/ for
accepting it. How inuft that great ftatefman have been furprifed, to find, that the un-
poiilhed colonies could not be reconciled to infamy by treachery? Such a bountiful difpo-
fition towards us never appeared in any Miniffer before him, and probably never will ap-
pear again : For it is evident, that fuch afyjlem of policy is to be eftablifhed on this con-
tinent, as, in a Ihort time, is to render it utterly unneceffary to ufe the leaft art in order to
conciliate owT approbation of any meafuies. Some of our countrymen may be employed
to /z.v chains upon us, but they will never be permitted to hold them afterwards. So that
the utmoft, that any ot them can expeft, is only a tejuporary provifion, that may expire in
their own time; but which, they may be affured, will preclude their children from having
any conlideiation paid to them. Natives of America muff link into total negleft and con-
tempt, the moment that their country lofes the conftitutional powers ihe now poffeffes.

P

54 The FARMER'S LETTERS.

the rejl of the luorld, "iXiA firmly bound togc'iher by xht favie rights, hiterejls and dan'
gers. 'Le.lthefe ke-.p our attention inflexibly fixed on \.\\q great ohjeSts, which we muft'
continually regard, in order Xo preferve thofs rights, \.o promote thofe inter efts, and to,
avert thofe dangers.

Let thefe/ra//^/ be indelibly Imprefled on our minds-— Z/'^/ nre cannot be hap?y,
'without being FREK---that we cannot be free, nuithout being feciire in our property— -
that cuf cannot be fecure in our property, if, ivithout our coifeni, others may, as by

right, take it a'Txiay---xh-A.X taxes i/npofed on us by Parlia7iient, do thus take it away

t\\;it duties laijd for the foL' pur pofe of raijing inoney, are taxes---that ^//fW/>/j- to lay
fuch duties fjotild be infantly and firmly oppofed---x.\ri.t this oppofition can never be
etFedlual, unlefs it is the united effort of the fe provinces— -x\v^X therefore benevolence
of temper ton.vards each other, and unanimity of counfels, are eflential to the welfare
of the whole-"and laltly, that for this reafon, every man amongft us, v.'ho in any man-
ner would encourage either d'//i?«////7Z, diffidence, or indifference, between thefe colonies,
is an en.emy to himfelp\ and to /;/'/ country.

The belief of thefe truths, I verily think, my countrymen, is indifpenfibly nece/lary
to your happinefs. I befeech you, therefore, j " teach them diligently unto your chil-
dren, and talk of them when you fit in your houfes, and when you walk by che way, and
•when you lie down, and when you rife up."
• What have thefe colonies to afk, while they continue free? Or what have they to
dread, but inlidious attempts lofubvert their freedom ? Their profperity does not depend
on ininiflerial favours doled out to particular provinces. They form one political
body, of which each colony is a member. Their happinefs is founded on their cjnfituti-
on ; and is to be promoted, by preferving that conftitution in unabated vigour, through-,
out every pari. A fpot, a fpeck of decay, however fmall the limb on which it appears,
and however remote it may feem from the vitals, ihould be alarming. We have ^a//
the rights requifite for our profperity. The legalauthority o^ Great-Britain may in-
deed lay hard reltridions upon us; but, like the fpear of Telephus, it will cure as
well as wound. Her unkindnefs will inftrucft and compel us, after lome time, to dif-
cover, in our indujlry and frugality, furprifing remedies---//" owr rights continue unvio-
lated : For as long as xhe producJs of our labour, and the reavards of our care, can
properly be called our oiun, fo long it will be worth our while to be indujlrious and
frugal. But if when we plow— fow-'-reap — gather— and thrcih— we fuid, that we
p!ovy-"fow---reap — gather — and threfli for others, whofe PLEASURE is to be the
SOLE LIMITATION hoio much they fliall take, and ho'vj much they fliall leave, why
fliould we. repeat the unprofitable toil ? Horfes and oxen are content with that portion of
the fruits of their nvork, which their oivners affign them, in order to keep them ftrong
enough to raife fucceilive crops ; but even thefe beafs will not fubmit to draw for their
maflers, until t/iey Art fubdued by nvhips and goads

Let us take care of our rights, and we therein take care of our profperity. * " SLA-.
VERY IS EVER PRECEDED BY SLEEP." Individuals may be dependent on

Minifters,'

t Deuteron. vi. 7.

* yiiy«/C/2''''''«'s Spirit of Laws, Book 14} Chap. i3v.

The farmer's LETTERS. SS

Minia»rs if they pleafe. States Jl^ould [corn ;V;— aHd \^ you are not wanting to ymr-
felv^s \ou will have ^proper regard paid.vc^// by thofe, to whom if you are not ;.-/.//.

abl'e you will be contemptible. But -if atv have already forgot tlie reoj.Hs u:ac

urged LIS, with unexampled unanimity, to exert ourfelves two years ago— it (>«rz.d/
r ^., ui:. „^^M ;<: .„..>•« nut before the hoincft^im cloatks, which it cauled us to have

our own

urced LIS, with unexampiea unaimiui.), lu t-^^i l ,^u.^^..>.- v.,^ _, 1,-

for the public good is 'it^srw out before the /-s/av^.'^V/^ ^^^/^-, which it cauled u
mad=— if our refolutions ?iri fi falr.t, as by our prefent condudl to eondeinn ^^, _......

late yuccefsrul example— if 'v.'e are not affecied by any reverence for the memory or our
ancellors who tranfraitted to us that freedom in which they had been blcU-it -ar ars
nrt animated hy any regard for pofterity, to whom, by the moit facred oohgauons we
are bound to deliver down the invaluable inheritance— the n, indeed, any Miuijtsr—
or any tool of a Minifter— or any creature of a tool of a Miniiter- or any lo-o:er f m-
Jlrument of X adminijiration, if lower there be, is a perforiage whom it may be dan-
gerous to offend, j^^^^^

+ " Inftrumenta reqni," r^r/Vw/'s Ann. i?^5,^ 13, (} 66, ^

I If any perfon ihall imagine that he difcovers, in thele iettets, tne leaft a.fliKe of the
dependence of thefe colonies on Great-Britain, I beg that fuch perlon w,ll nut torm any
judgment on part:cular exprel/ions, h^z ..x\\ couUdtv ^\.c tenor oj al the letters ta.en to-
e.'A.r In that cafe, I flatter myfelf. that every unprejudiced reaoer will be convinced,
'that the true interefts of Great-Britain are as dear to mc, as they ought to be to every

^''intml'EnthurtaJi in any thing, it is in my zeal for the perpetual dependence^ of thefe
colonies on their Mother country.-A dependence founded on mutual beneps tne conti-
nuance o° wiach can be fecured only by mutual a^epions . Therefore it is, that with ex-
treme apprehenlion I view the fmalleft feeds of difcontent, which are unwamy fcattered
abroad Fifty or AVv/y years will make ailomihmg alterations in theie colonies ; and this
confiJe'ration "ihould render it the bufinefs of Great- Britain more and mote to cultivate our
good difpafitions towards her: But the misfortune is that thofe ^^r.^/ //y^«, who are
wreitiingtor power at home, think themfelves very fhghtly interefted in the prolperity of
their country f///y or 5;-.v/v years hence, but are deeply concerned m blowmg up a popuhr
clamor for fnppofed/;;/7Wu'A7/'t' ^^/u^w/^^^J-. ^ u ,, „o^ .i,^r. ,^nl^

For mv part; I regard Great-Britain as a bukmrk, happily fixed between thefe eolo-
ries and the powerful nations of Europe. That kingdom lemammg f-'te sve under us
prote^ion, enjoying peace, may diffufe thebldhngs of religion, fc.ence, and l.bertv, .hro
remote wildernefTes. It is therefore incontei^.bly our duty, and our rnteref , to iu|^por
the Ifreneth of Great-Britain. When conhd.ng in that fttength, ihe begins to toiget
from whence it arofe, it will be an eafy thing to (hew the ioii.ce. She may readdy be le-
mindcd of the loud alarm fpread among be. merchants and tradefmen, by the umverlal
afiociation of thefe colonies, at the time of the Stamp- Ml, not to import any of her ;//^.

In the year 1 718, the Ruftans and Snvedes entered into an agreement, not to fufFer 6V^.7/.
Butainlo export any «^-^^/ A./-^/ from their dominions but .n Ru/nan ox S^.vedijh ^ips,
and at their own prices. Great-Britain was dillrefled. Pitch a^A tar roie to J hree
Pounds ^hcivrd. At length Ihe thought of getting thefe articles from the colonies; and
the attempt fucceeding, they fell down to Fifteen Shillings, \niht year 1756, Grec^-
Br'tain was threatened with an invafion. An eafterly wind blowing for hx weeks, fhe
could not mm her fleet, and the whole nation was thrown into the utmoft coniternation.

S6

The farmer's LETTERS.

I SHALL be extremely forry, if any man miftakes my meaning in any thing I have
faid. Officers employed by the Crown, are, while according to the laws they condnft
themfelves, intitled to legal obedience and lincere refped. Thefe it is a duty to render
them; and thefe no good or prudent perfon will withhold. But when thefe officers,
through raflinefs or delign, delire to enlarge their authority beyond its due limits, and
expetT: improper concelTions to be made to them, from regard for the employments they
bear, their attempts Ihould be confidered as equal injuries to the .Crown and People,
and fliould be courageoufly and conilantly oppofed. To fuffer our ideas to be con-
founded by 7iames on fuch occafions, would certainly be an inexcufahle iveaknefs, zrid
probably an irremediable error.

We have reafon to believe, that fcveral of his Majefty's prefent Minlflers are good
men, and friends to our country ; and it feems not unlikely, that by a particular con-
currence of events, we have been treated a little more feverely than they wifhed we
fiiould be. They might not think it prudent to ftem a torrent. 'But what is the diffe-
rence to us, whether arbitrary ads take their rife from Minifters, or are permitted by
thera ? Ought any point to be allowed to a good Minifter*, that fiiould be denied to a

bad one ? The mortality of Miniflers, is a very frail mortality. A may fuc-

ceed a Shelburne — A may fucceed a Cojinxiay,

We find a new kind of Minider lately fpoken of at home — " The Minister of
THE House of Commons." The term feems to have peculiar propriety when re-
ferred to thefe colonics, ivith a different 7)ieaniiig annexed to it, from that in which it
is taken there. By the word " Min'fter " we may underftand not only ^ fervant cf the
Cro^n, but a 9nan of influence among the Commons, who regard themfelves as having a
fhare in xhc fovereignty over us. The " Minifter of the Houfe " may, in a point re-
fpedlng the colonics, be fo flrong, that the Minifter of the Crown in the Houfe, if he
is a diiHndl perfon, may not choofe, even where his fentiments are favourable to us, to
come to a pitched battle upon our account. For though I have the higheft opinion of
the defof ence of the Houfe for the King's Minifter, yet he may be fo good-natured, aa
not to put it to the teft, except it be for the mere and immediate profit of his
mafter or himfelf.

But whatever kind o? MiniJ}er he is, that attempts to innovate afitigle iota in the
privileges of thefe colonies, him I hope you will undauntedly oppofe; and that you will
never fuffer yourfelves to be either cheated or frightened into any urinvorthy ohfequiouf-
7iefs. On fuch emergencies you may fureiy, without prefumption, believe, that AL-
MIGHTY GOD himfelf will look down upon your righteous conteft with gracious ap-
probation. You will be a *^ band of brothers,'" cemented by the deareft ties, — and

ftrengthened

The wind changed. The /American fliips arrived. The fleet failed in ten or fifteen days.
There are fome other refleftions on this fubjed, worthy of the moll deliberate attention of
the Briiijh Parliament ; but they are of fuch a nature, that 1 do not choofe to mention them
publicly. I thought it my duty, in the year 1765, while the Staynp-AH: was in fufpence,
to write my fentiments to a Gentleman of great influence at home, who aftei wards diftin-
guifhed himfelf, by efpoufingour caufe, in the debates concerning the repeal of that ad,

* Ubi impcrium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit ; novum illud exempluni, ab dignis
Sc idoneis, ad indignos & non idoneos transfertur. Sail. Bell. Cat, § jo.

The farmer's LETTERS. ^>

ftrengthened with inconceivable fupplles of force and conftancy, by that fympathetic ar-
dor, which animates good men, confederated in a good caufe. Ycur honour and 'iir/-
fare will be, as they now are, moft intimately concerned ; and befides — you are af-
Jigned by Divine Providence, in the appointed order of things, the proieclors of unborn
ages, \\\iok fate depends upon ycur virtue. Whether ihey /hall arife the generous
and indifputable heirs of the nobleft patrimonies, or the dajlardly and hereditary drudges
of imperious taflc-maflers, you must determine.

To difcharge this double duty \o your f elves, and to yowr pcjferity, you have nothing
to do, but to call forth into ufe the good fenfe zndfpirit of which you are poffeired.
You have nothing to do, but to conduct your affairs peaceably — prudently — -firmly —
jointly. By thefe means you will fupport the charafter oi freemen, without lofmg that
oi faithful fuhjefls — a good charadier in any government — one of the bell under a
Britifo government. — You \i'A\ prove, that Americans have that true magnanimity of
foul, that can refent injuries, without falling into rage ; and that though your devo-
tion to Great Britain is. the moft affeftionate, yet you can make proper dijlir.frioris,
and know what you owe to yourfelves, as well as to her — You will, at the fame time
that you advance your /«/^/-f/?j-, advance your reputation — You will convince the world of
the jujiice of your demands, and the purity of your ifiiejiiions. — Vv^hile all mankind
muft, with unceafing applaufes, confefs, th^t you indeed deferve liberty, Avho fo nvell
'underfand it, fo pajfionately love it, fo tejnptrately enjoy it, and fo n-vifely, bravelyy
and virtuoujly afjert, 7uaintain, and defend it.

*' Certe ego libertatem, qucs mihi a parente ?neo tradita ef, experiar : J' erm/i id
fruflra an ob rem faciavi, in veflra manu fttum ejl, quirites."

For my part, I am refolved to contend for the liberty delivered down to me by my
anceftors ; but whether I Ihall do it effedually or not, depends on you, my
countrymen.

** How little foever one is able to write, yet when the liberties of one's country are
threatened, it is flill more difficult to be filent."

A FARMER.

Is there not the ftrongeft probability, that if the univerfal fenfe of thefe colonies is
IRimediately expreffed by Refolves of the afFemblies, in fapport of their rights, by
Jnjlruflions to their agents on the fubjedt, and by Petitions to the Crown and Par-
liament for redrefs, thefe raeafures will have the fame fuccefs now, that they had ia
the time of the Stamp- A^^.

D.

The end of the FARMER'S LETTERS^

J

1

THE

NIT OR.

CL

r ^^>W«»Mgti<HMMHHmi*'iMii» ilfRUT'**

'H^.^^p^/

■^

f-1 'V

% JP

CI'

...A ^ a «!
,3 :iiyivi'A

M r =i 3 a I ¥ I

K Y T 1>x:b 3 CI I

' -^i i''

I'C^'-

S«d3 jasbiviS' v •■'■ ^kss^ sd '{«:•-. 35 aftsBs ti\ mi js| .^yi ri^

-iOtiisj nl .!i«.tvjtn^ Va">"^'C5 rti eb'sah'* iiio iavblisiair? hsri^brifc odiw sloiii moti ks^
il'Kj! iud i^v,<5 lo Miii f>j?: ai gar';- 'r:'-^ ■:-"';( - t:; jiiaow t%t?its^!j'5i ■s^t "V *"' '"'" ' '''

( ^I )

iCfi^'^CI

THE

M O N I T

NUMBER

I.

DIVIDE 6' IMPERA.
DIVIDE and TYRANNIZE.

^^:0:^:^ O U L D to Heaven I could hang a comet on every letter of this

o

!

W||

4 motto, to warn ray countrymen of the danger that threatens their
^ liberties from the adoption of this maxim into the Britijh counfels
O refpefting America. When the Stamp- A£i had raifed fo univerfal an
^ oppofition both in America and Great-Britain^ that the execution of
<^W>'^-9^^ '^ ^^* impradicable, it was repealed; and however joyous that event
m^f^'t0'<^^ might be, yet in its effedts it may be fatal. It is but too evident that
the enemies to our liberties have drawn from it this dangerous lefTon, to change the mode
of that aft, not the meafures which diftated it ; that is Xofap, not KQjiorKi, our freedom.
To accoraplifh this, two things were necefTary ; to divide us among ourfelves, and to
divide us from thofe who declared themfelves our friends in Great-Britain. In purfu-
ance of this plan, implicit obedience was required in one colony only at firft to an ad of
Parliament which touched their internal polity, and was effeaually a tax. It was hoped
that the refi of the colonies would not iniereft themfelves in the fate of one; but loolc
with fileace aud unconcern on this violation of American freedom, in the Briti/h Par-
liament's difpofing of the property of the people rf Ne^Ji-Torkt and fofpending their go^

^rnraent, _

Thus

62 The MONITOR.

Thus were ws to be divided, and our liberties feized. upon by fuch degrees, as fliould
not alarm us into oppofition, till it was too late; and as they well knew, that the majo-
rity of thofe who oppofed the Stanip-A£i in Great-Britain, did it not from any
friendfhip to our liberties and rights (a ground of oppofition confined to Mr. Pitt, and

ii few others) but from aperfuafion that it would operate injurioufly to their own interefts;
thefe were to be drawn off by the never failing cord of felf- intereft ; for which purpofe
a diny was laid on thofe Britijh manufaftures, which we were fuppofed to be under a
neceflity of uhng, for the purpofes of a revenue ; that is, to fave the money of the people
ei Great-Brilain, who muil otherwife be taxed to furnilh this revenue. Well might
Mr. Toivnjhend fay, when he prefented this bill to the Houfe, that the Americans
^jjould raife no Jlalues to him; for he knew the baleful tendency of it to their deareft
rights. His words, however, furnifli us a very falutary hint, which we (hould not
negle<a-. They manifeft his expe<aation, that we (hould feel its injuries fo as to make u?
execrate its author.

In this manner was the great plan of divifion accompliibed, in this manner our enemies
have purpofed our final ruin. For to fpeak in the words of the great Sii Tho7nai IVent-
<ivorthy on a iimilar occaiion, in the time of Charles the Firft, They have taken fru7n us^
■■-jjbat? What Jl: all I fay ? Indeed nxshat havn ihey left us ? They have ravifloed Jrom us
all means of f applying the King, and ingratiating ourfelves 'with him, taking up ths
root of all property. If the Parliament of Great-Britain, over which we have no
earthly reftridion, may give and grant our property for the purpofe of a revenue, in
%vhatever manner it be affeifted, the root of all our property is efFedually taken up, and
v/e at bcfl are but tenants at will. But 1 defift from any farther expfiotion of the uncon-
fhtutiona! opprellion and injuilice of thefe proceedings; taking, it for granted, that no
one can be unacquainted with what has been fo often and fo fully fet forth, particularly
in the late excellent and unanfwerable LETTERS of the FARMER. _ .■

The evil being known, what fliali be the remedy? I fliall offer my fentiments in at
few v/ords. Let us, as a patriot faid when the liberties oi England wtxt in like dan-
ger from James the Fir(^, petition and petition the King again, as ive ufitalty do to
God, and ivithout ceajing till he hear us* . •

Let us (hidy to purfue the plan of thefe great men who firfl: formed the petition, and

then the bill of rights. A noble Duke, in a late debate on Ameria^n freedom, fiiid,

the Americans nvere not mentioned in the hill of rights. Let us then frame a petition of

rights, and never defift from the felicitation till it be confirmed into a charter of liberty.

,Huc parvi properemiis et ampli

Si patrix' volumits Ji nobis vivere cari.

. Let every colony contend which fhall ftand foremoft in petitioning our nioft gracious

Sovereign againfl the billeting aft, and the fufpenfion of the legiflatiire of Ne'vo-Torki,

iliewing that we confider thefe as wounds to American X'^txnz^, through that of one

colony. Let us petition againft the giving away our money by the Britif}} Parliament,

as' did the county of Durhan, and the palatinate of C/-'i?/?d'/-. Let us, in the. m 'rin

time, by our frugality and induftry in manufadtnring for ourfelves convince our adveria-

.> ries
* retit's J'3s. Pailiam-. P. 281.

The monitor.

. - 'f

-^^ ^ ^ .-. .) petition, and let affociations be foriKed to pro77iote

'}hanufa5lures ; that we may manifeft to all the world, how uiunimoufly we are deter-
mined, both with'hand'and heart, to maintain our freedom, and fruftrate the defigns
of thofe, who, by divid'wg, luould etijlave us.

^M\v\v>A\ M,

VK VlsM< -V'

■^f5j

M 17' M B E R II.

^ervUus , malorum omniuvi pcjlremum, non modo hello, fed morte etlam repellendam.

A SENTIMENT which breathes fo pure and exalted a fenfe of freedom, and de-
teflation of flavery, could hardly have arifen in a mind not enobled by the influ-
ence of liberty, in a free ftate. Ciccroy in this our motto, czW% flavery th-e •worfi of all
evils ; for in his fhort acquaintance with it, he had feen it extinguifh all thofe virtues,
which had made Ro7ne\.hG. habitation of heroes, and the miftrefs of the world; nourifii-
ing in their place fuch vices as were moft deteftable, and plainly ominous of that de-
ftruftion to the Roman empire, which they fpeedily produced.

•It would be the greateft happinefs to which I could attain, to i?nprefs upon the minds
of my countrymen, a love of liberty, and hatred offavery, fo indelible as to render it
impojfible to fix chains upon them, by 'whofnfoever forged. And though the poornefs of
my abilities, inadequate, very inadequate to fo glorious an end, fliould fruftrate the
completion of my wifh, yet will the intention, 1 hope, pafs uncenfured. Pulchruvi
eji lenifacere reipullica, etiaru henedicere haud ahfurdum* . Nor let it be deemed
enthufiaflic to imagine, that though we are a weak people, yet the principles of liberty
fully infufed into us, will render it impoflible to enflave us. For, does not liberty give
unwonted vigour to the arm, and fill the heart witJi a fpirit that is invincible ? Does it
not give birth to every noble fentiment, and energy to every hardy exploit ? Where then
is the power that fhall fubdue thofe who are truly animated with this unconquerable vir-
tue ? " It appears, fays Herodotus, not from one inftance only, but from all hiftory,
how noble is the virtue of liberty ; fo the Athenians when under the tyranny of Pijiflra-
iuTwcre of no excellency in war, but when they had expelled the tyrants, they became
the firft in martial prowefs f." Was it not this all-conquering fpirit of liberty that

fuftained

* It is noble to ferve the comhidriity, neither is it amifs ta wifh it well. SALLUST.

f Of! fit manefejlment pendant h pen de te7ns que dura la tyrannic des Dacemvirs a quel
^oint PaggrandiJlement de Rome dependoit defa liberte. Vetatfemhla avoir perdu Vavie
quilefaifoit viouvoir. MONTESQUIEU.

It was evident, during the fhort tyranny of the Decemvirs, how greatly the aggrandize-
ment of^ Rom^ depended on her liberty ; the ftate feenied to have loft the foul v/hich fhould
have animated it. R

64-

The M O N I T OR.

fuilalned thrts hundred Spariam AgzinOi ths might o£ Xerxes and his innumerable hofl ?
Wasit not this fpirit that made the whole Jfhenujn people quit their city, and truft to their
fl)ips, rather than fubmit to a tyrant J ? Was it not this that animated the fingle arm of
Crudes to maintain a bridge againil the v/hole Ttifcan afmy, that lifting the daring hand
of Sc^vola, to ftab the invader of their liberties in the raidft of his troops, that didtated
this anfvver from the Ror-ian people (already reduced to famine) to a powerful invader,
".That Fbrfinna might fpare his interpofition, and his efforts for the ''Tarqiii?n, fince
they were firmly refolved to undergo every fpecies of milery rather than receive the ty-
rant and his race," Was it not this fpint that, in later times, vindicated the liberties
of the a«iu^r/iri£ people of Flatiders §, againil the bravej} troops and moft ponxerful
Monarch in Europe? Such are the heroes, whom liberty infpires, dsvota jnorti pei^ora
libera: || ; fuch are the immortal d-eeds- which (he bai effeded; 'v^hat then Jhail Jloe not
acc'VjpliJJy ?

The more T refl'X^t on the nature of man, or read the hiftories of nations ; the more
fully am i convinced of the truth of this obfervation of the iliuRrious Sidnefs, That li-
berty prddxices virtue, order and jl ability i nuhile Jlavery is of necejfity aijcompamedivitk^-
vice, nv^ak'fiejs and triifery.

Uaime des grands travaux, Vohjet des nohles vceux.

La liberte % !

Liberty, the life and foul of great purfuits, of noble adions, enlarges the heart and
ftimulates the underdanding. In times of liberty, a man depends upon himfelf, his elo- .
quence, integrity, fpirit, ingenuity, and every virtue have incentives to kindle and en-
flame them, a proper field to difplay themfelves, and to operate to his ov/n emolument
and his country's glory. Whether his natural inclination be to the field or the cabinet,
to philofophy, or arts> he pUrfues it with an ardour, which confcious freedom always
infpires, and which cannot but crown him with diftinguiihed fuccefs. But v/hen flavery
has fpread its baneful influence over a pe®ple, the minds of men are fubdued and ener-
vated; they depend on their tyrants for what they are pleafed to grant them, property,
or life or honours, to which they afpire, not by virtue, but by cunning, fervility and
wickednefs*, from whence they foon become habitually vicious, weak and miferable.

It is with perfeft propriety then, that Arijlotleh^xh faid, a Jlave can have no virtues
that Longinus has called Jlavery the prifon of the foul, and a pith lie dungeon ; that Sir

Walter

% We find this anecdote related by Cicero in his offices, that one Cyrfillus having advifed
the Athenians, on that occahon, to remain in the city and fubmit to Xerxes, the people
inftantJy overwhelmed him with fliortes : An adion worthy a free and fpirited people; a
death worthy of fuch bafenefs : One might have foretold that Xerxes could never conquer
fuch a people.

& See Cardinal Bentivoglio^s hijioria de Fiandra,

i^Horace. Souls determined on libeity or death.

% Lettrcs de Voltaire. _ .

* Lessranda vsttmlc cachent oufe perdent ordinatrement dans lafervitud^. ^

MONTESQUIEXT.

The monitor. 6s

Walter Raleigh, tliat illuftrious ornament of humaB nature, conHdered it as a cof.diti-
cn as much below that of brutes, as to aCl agalnji reafon is ivorfe than to aH ivithout *
it ; in fine, that Cicero, Cato, Cajjlus and Brutus, thought it an evil, noji viodo hello,
fed morte etiam rcpellenduin f .

While the fun of liberty (hone on Thebes, it difpelled even the fogs of B(eotia, and ripened
into greatnefs of foal a Pelcpidas, an Epaviinondas, and a Pindar ; and if in 500 years of
flavery a Stilico and a Belifarius did arife in that Italy, fertile of heroes ivhile free, they
ferve but to deepen the horrors of tyranny, the one having been afTaffinated by his jealous
Emperor, the other compelled, by the ungrateful tyrant, to beg better bread through
realms his valour faved. During the three centuries from the death of Pijijlratus to the
time of Alexander, at what a glorious height, in arts and arms, did the Athenians,
under the happy influence of liberty, arrive; but how few were the years of flavery
which reduced them to u'eaknefs, raifery and contempt ± ! From the birth of Ro7nan
liberty, at the expulfion of the Tarqtiins, to its total extinction by the death of Brutus,
was little more than 500 years. In this period, how glorious was the empire which
freedom eflabliihed, how firm, how happy ! What an illuftrious train of heroes did this
free fpirit produce, the Fahii, Fabricii, Decii, Metelli, Scipiones, JEmelii, and others,
without number ! The immortal Cato has informed us what were the characteriftics of
this potent republic. Domi indujlria foris jujium tmperiuni, animus in confulendo
liber neque deli^o neque lubidini obnoxius §. Such was the virtue, order, and liability,
which liberty produced, fuch vital energy did it infufe through the whole body of the
ftate, that it bafiled every attempt to overthrow it; flood the impetuous aifaults of fuch
dreadful foes as Hannibal and Pyrrhus, firm and unfhaken ; a battle lofl, ferved but to
aronfe (till greater exertions of that vigour, which, animated byafenfe of freedom, was
invincible. How fliall we view the fad reverfe which flavery produced, v/ith out tears—
without deteftatlon ! Behold that fenate, which appeared to the Ambaffador of King
Pyrrhus like an AfTembly of Gods, whofe v/ord fet nations free, and quelled the tyranny

of
* See his very excellent letter to Prince Henry.

f To be fhunned not only by war. but by death itfeif. Timoleon had his brother, whom
he had before faved in battle at the riHc of his own life, put to death for attempting to en-
flave his country. Brutus ufed to f.iy he would flab his own father, if a tyrant ; and
he, with Cato and Caffius, killed themfelves rather than furvive the liberty of their country.
Cicero fays ^lid Ji tyrannidem occupa^e, f patriafn prodere conahitur pater, flibitns
filius? imo vera off ecrabit patrem ne id faciat ; f tiihil proficiat, acciifabit, 7mnabitur ;
ad extremitnift ad pernicief?i pairing resfpetlabit, patris. Salutenuanteponat faluti pa,'
iris. Such grandeur and dignity of fentimeni animated thefe freeborn patriots. —
Inter quos utinam heroas natum me prima tulijfet tellus !

X Les Aieniens fans force par eux-viemes et fans alliesn'etonnoient plus le monde que
par leurs flatteries enven les Reis, et on ne montoltplus fur la tribune, ou avoit parlet)^-
moflene, que pour propofer les decrets les plus laches et les plus fcandeleux .

iMONTESQUIEU.
§ Induftry at home, juflice abroad, minds unconftraiaed in debate, ucfeduced by plea- -^
fuig, and untainted by ciimes.

6^ .The M ON I T OR.

of Kin-^s*, reduced to be the fervile Mimfters of arbitrary po^ver over their fellow
citizens t, to be the wretched fpe<5tators and am)la«der3 of low obfcene (hews J, v/ith-
out power, Tirtue. dignity or worth. Eve^ 1^ early as the reign of /lugujtus had
nav4y operated with this baneful influence on the fenate. nor was the who e /?.;;.^«
people lefs infefted. For now, as an author of infinite erudition obferves idlenefs
triflin. amufements, tumblers, dancers, races, and wild beafts occupied the minds of
thofe who had been wont to think of honours, triumphs and laborious virtues J

The Rov.an name was now no more §, no more that hardy and incorruptible virtue
that called a CincinnatHS from the plough, to be didator of /?.;;/. ^ . The Fahncu and
Catoncs were no more; the epiairean ^picii ^v^^ Nafrdeim had occupied their places,
feafts and debauchery were fublHtuted for arts and arms ** The /2..;;^« people were
already wicked ff, they were foon to be weak and mifer.ble; they were foon to groan
under the moft execrable monfters that ever blackened human nature ; rtberms, Nero
Caligula, Commodus, Caracalla and Domitian. Jh^yv,trt to be harraffed with
peri;^tual contentions, under what tyrant fh^yftiQuld ble^?|-rife»f;!J^P^^^^^^ ''^J

* The Romans ufed to eftabliOi their'own 'form of government, as near as poffible,
amonlthofe they conquered. They offered the Cappadocians their fieedom; but they

were baO; eoouah to refufe it. ^ . r ; ■ j i

I 9uoi > ce Semtn'avoitfait evanouir tant des Rots, que pour ioviher Im-mevie dans le
plls fas efclava^e de quetquefunes de fes plus indtgnes dtoyens ; ct J/^'^^^^^^^^uiEU^''
propres arrets? . ''- ■ *• J^yli ibjc: ^'

X ^idJifcrtpfiffeiniHimosohfcanaJocanteSy^ ctoiijpa "Jo '

^tfeviper vetiti crimen amoris hahct. ;- -■ •' "
In quibus ajfidue cultus procedit adulter,
■ Verhaque datjiiilto callida nupta viro.
Nubilis, has Virgo, viatronaque,virque,puerque,

Spcilat, et e magna parte fenatus adejt, . ^ , . . .

' Nee fat is incejiis temerari vocibus aures, 'A .''. i«> •^'j^iu ,,Si\sN^.\:^ A^v *='

Adftcefcunt oculi multa pudenda pati iCiipEq .^-jlcTi-^^i -vj;rf,nn ;;
Cumquefefellit amans aitquanovitaieinaritmh

Plauditur et magno palpia, fa-vore datur.
II Memoirs of the Court of Jugujlus. - , ';' 'v _ o' . ) ,\. , ,^ ; ■ ..,,,,. ^,,;, ^,
^ Viaor gentium populus, et donarereptatmSuetm^\mi^^.<>-^v%^-^.,^^
\ Si quidem arantilucio quintio Qncinnato^nuntiatum ejl eum m*^S^M"JL''A''
" ^ -.- ^ ':''S>;n;^ > i,</vA -r/i v'i I'.F. •,-.,■■■ .■ loiJifj ;• •

** Tiecunda culp^feculaf nuptiai""''^''^'^l ''-''-' ■ ' ' .Itttirs',,;.'.

Primiuin inquinavere et genus et dofiipi''"-'' '^"■'^ ; ty^'^jwWv

. Hacfonte derivataclades - '. '•^v ,'c^ivvuv_,' r-^ -^ , ..,., ^u t^- TTQ^arp

v/ere virtuous and worthy quitted Rome: and all thefe penflied afterwards »n defence of
^'"^XtVhiJloire de P empire Gxtc, c'ejl itinft que nousmnmeromjcresmvantrentpirc
Remain, nejlplus qu'untijfu de revolts, de /editions, ^' ^^^"'"^'^'"^iQi^.TESQlTlE^.

The M O N I T O R. ^7

w?.3 to ue Hi ikori by every afiault *, tilJ, after a few miferable centuries, it was to be
overturned by Barbarians — falling, like Lucifer, never to rife again ; ferving only as a
dreadful and everlafling monument of the atrocious ills that fiavery begets. Shall we
not then, my countrymen, combine to oppofe this fiend, whenever he ihail invade us ?
Shall we not ufe every caution, work every neive, to repel his open, or elude his Con-
cealed, attacks ? Shall we not hold our liberty as the immediate jewel of our foyls ?
Hardily did our forefathers venture into tliis once fiivage wild ; what animated their
attempts and foothed their toils P Liberty : What did they bequeath us ? Liberty : Let
v.s then ne-^er — never rejign it.

That we may fecure this valuable bleffing, and learn the greatnefs of its worth, let
me, with all refpeft, earnefily beg leave to recommend to my countrymen, efpecially
the younger part, a thorough acquaintance with thofe records of lllultrious liberty, the
hiftories of Greece and Rome; from whence they will imbibe a juft liatred of tyranny and
zeal for freedom. Let them fludy well the godlike aciicns of thofe. heroes and patriots,
whofe lives are delivered down to us by Plutarch, that they may be infpired v/iih a glo-
rious emulation of thofe virtues, which 'have immortalized their names. Let them exa-
mine thoroughly and particularly into our own hiftory and conftitution f , that they may
well underftand Its full force, form and excellence ; the methods v/hich bad Princes and
wicked Minifters have taken to deftroy it, and. by what means it has been preferved :|:.
Thefe things fliould be thoroughly confidercd, we fhould entertain one another frequent-
ly in converfation on thefe fubjeds ; that we may implant in ourfelves a lively fenfe of
liberty and la~jj ; and infufe into all around us a generous love for their colintry and the
British confutation §. Such a love as di(n:ated this fpeech, which ought to enrol! its
author in that facred lift of patriots, where Timoleon, Cato, Bnitns, Cajfius, and the
firfi; NaJjTau, fliine immortal. It is the fpeech of Slr''ff^illiam Wallace to Bruce, who
was foliciting him to gain King Edward's favour by giving up the defence of his country.
Vos, faid the indignant hero, ^quibus potior efi turpis cum fecuritate fcrvitus, quam
honefla, cumpericulo, libertas ; ijlam, quammagni ejlimatis ^ fortunam aviple^ame'v.i:-
Ego, in patria f^'pe defenfa, liber et lihens viorcar ; "nee me prius ejus caritas quam
"vita relinquet l|. Godlike refolve, patriot approved ! Thy grateful country fnall un-

ceaHng

* Dans les gnerres civiles de Vitellius et de Vefpafian, Rome eji proyc a tons les anibi-
ticux, et pleine de burgeois timides, iremhloit devant Ic prejiiiere bande des foldats qui
fouvoit se'n approcher. Ibid.

t ^aw^'s hiftory, guarded by Mr. Hurd's dialogues, Lord C;,('t''s inftitutes, and the
Jus Parliament : feem befl: adapted to this purpofe.

:]: Hoc illud ef pr^cipi.v, in cognitione rerum^ falubre ac frugiferiLm, omnis ie exem-
pli documenta in illu/iri pofita monunientoi intueri; indetibi, tu.-equc reipublica, quod
imitere capias ; indi fiedu7?i inceptu, fxdiim exitn quod vites LI \^Y.

^ Pro qua, quis bonus dubitet mortem oppotere, Ji cifit profuiurus ? CICERO.

j^; Ye who prefer fliameful fervitude, with fafety, to becoming freedom, with danger ;
embrace the lot which you fo greatly prize : I am deterrriined to die free and freely Jor my
ccintf y, which I liave often defended ; nop will I give up my iove.lor her till I rtiign my
breath. -^ S Scq Buchanan s hiiXorY of Scot/and,

,68 ^HE MO^NITiQiR,

feaflng pour bleiTiDgs and pr^ifes .on,thy na^ie, Such fOQ wasTtbedfylne fpkit vi'iiich
^'Animatgcf our deliverer, the Fxin^cs, o^ .0 ra{!££', .^\v|ie,9,-^f;:^l^p^|:Je4;t9;jti?Jce Jus.terjns with
1.%ms_ XIV. fiace he could not ■ avQid, Itf Ing iji:9;fi^u9|r^<,^a^^4> b€..rfipUe<l=' firmly,
'|yes, 1 can, by dying in ihe: Jqfi.difch*, \-' ^'X-'' r^-^^--- - ■■ .■ !^ • -■ , .^
"Header, whoe'er thou art, rjeVere thefe najaes* and emulate their virtues— -Remem-^
■y'^ii TivJif^ is not t Ay onvn'Vj/)ehRQm?' demands, it ^ ,' v. ,., s^ -, . »,. -

sduob JuoriJw blwov/ aloo^q 'aifj ,-'M-iaq cbjoJ sift rlDorir -tloiij^jlai n^t'i o.i D£n vjjw
3!iiti: bluov/ oriv7 ,smo1 gohniv/ ad ion bbow s-ssdT .nsvisH OJ iisqqi: fifil ibffj sjism

Wto i.V^niVimO^a ?-v^i ^k^r .vA\ Ve-r^-A i.iiM,.ln, .?h--nv/ ^'',Uq->rp J) ?,'id ; nguis i»i, ^aul-

■^ ■ tdrrimbnweakTi 4i^ilf %:i^^Rl^"*fi&, ii5F*fla^'lliS^r^%e^|fvfeif U>f :' " ,. feiiQT.Ejiii^

*0 file many ancJ^ great authehtiestvhich I adduced in jny;?ill, to prove tli^ W^-
voidafcle corii>€Sioji betweeft liberty "ajidhapp^inefs in^ltate, I'have now Aibjpine<^
this fenl:tn!^nt-"of my iiOtd 'B&lingir^%e. j therefore prefiiine no one will queftion t^^t
^poiitioh : Inde^-^I' evaifr' hope ihert aftf^few-bf ihy covlintryfflen who want much pi-oo^tp
evince a tFiitifei<3Vi/hfeh^ i§; ^aS it were, graved on the heart of every fr6emani The end
of govefirirniiaH* the'gbt>d%f the majority; andwhenit rs dive,rted to the emolument
of 6he ot ^ few, it'tfenhfecoroe^ba;d,' it then becomes, deteftfed be the name, it th^n
becomes a tyranny z'^' Wheti this 'is vefted iti one, as in an anlimited' monarchy, it is Tsa^^
batniuch more is it to%edread(e<i when Wtfie TiaMds- of riiaoy. Thus the Decemviri at

th^h' evefi thai tP*hfi ©r^nd ^gnior^ a tfte'mendon? tyranny that ever extjtle'^

\#u5d be th*e^Houfe''^f''<36!rim^S iiY'S^ people^

t'hat'^i^;' lif the; liiti w^t-i^ tbr'Kfeii '^filtexJYi^ %'Ri&H"vS8ant'ty th^'membfers dk'rnfelVe?, anj|
they tt#aflf^i by tlie ljaw^ih^ttlt<le/ W fli^°ftll^a^'a\Ja'\\^ to take' awajr the^prdpe'r-
t^^'of-'the people, their own would be untouched ; if to endanger the lives of the peo-
ple, they themfelves -would hotfeiat its ifcverityj,- From the dreadful cal^nitieB offiidh a
fotm o£ :gove«i*menti,'if perfifted m, ahefe could? be^ no hope ofi'elief but from that whjc^'
MK L^S6&-4di\)ii^fiappeiifH6'Hhaii)&h':'^^ fays ht, have, hji a7(i^y..anreced^fft

and, paramoiunf to allj>oJiii-jf la^ius^rOJ^ many referv^d that uitiinaU^ 4^i^r;f>^nati^
{l}'em^ffl'vh,'''lvfjt'ch %e(onffs^i^'^i^ti\n^^^ 'ivhen there lies n9.;iafp<iai on,-e4,ri.ki i^^m^fy^

parl-'i^itfiJ , ^h,f rea^fj>yiJi,olj^fve,.I,am fuppofing what i8:<:aHed the Houfeof Cotti-
i^toflpiviA^^'lieioi'S**' filejaed * by *be pcoile, and thiere&re fto^ Jopger thdif >cjrefetita-;

*ffE ^ M O N I T OR. }• 69

■^Vrves;' Of fufpofe the Hotffe of Lords fhould fay to the pedple of i?«^/^?/^,' we ar^your

i-v/r/«^fieprefentiatives, ind therefore Ifave alright to tax you; (uppofe they were, ufoa
"this dsclarjition, to tax them accordi5a^y/-wfrat would the people lay ? They would tell
their Lord (hips that they^poffefTed, and, have eVer pdTefled, a right by the conftitution,

-an u-nalierictble Hght to chufe reprefentatives, who are their truftees, and are bound in
duty and inter ejl to preferve their liberty * and property ; with thefe therefore, 'and
tbefe only, they would truft their property, and not with *heif Lordfhips, over whom
they had no fuch reltridioh; fhould the Lords perfiTl:,' the people would without doubt
make their lafl appeal to Heaven. There would not be wanting fome, who would llile
thi_s, rebellion ;„.bui4I if&3L\,th&.\%QxdSr-&i,M»r~Sid)tey } ihy •mko-feek after truth 'will
fi/id, that there can be no fuch thing in the ivorld as the relellion of a n.vhole nation
againfl its niagiflrates.

But I haveMwelt too longi perhaps, in fappofmg miferics, to which I hope the peo-
ple of England Vfill nerer bereduced ; that rs; I hope they never wilt tafte of the bitter
cup of Havery, which they are forcing upon us. When I began this paper, it was with
an intention-of admonifhing qiy couijLrjn^fin, cu: cathef, lamenting with them on the woeful

^ofpe.fi 'before us* tDur privjleges, Ar^-^U virtual, pur fqfFef^n^? are real. We have
ffeeholHs,' and! r^ad, in the addrels aiTtfie tords to Queen Anne, that " the right of
eledion, is a Ugal ittterefi, incident, t^ fhe/frefih^ldi^otfQMnMd.^apQn puftom, or ^ the
letters' patent pf ypur Majefty's RoyaJji^pcfftofS., .prupoa fptt^Gular a(3:§ of Parlia-
Tnent -j- •" but our freeholds are dil.viriu^lfy includte4w ihi W^«^T <?/* G^^^i^^vicli i is
then the authority exercifedover th^ f?inp jifi*tu^l, frpfthsoWin Qr,^en'uM£'f>^n'M^if}\.^o,

'jW^en we are to be taxed, we ate, in, ^A?^3e,rieay wheij-^jdutjesVare \lyi uppft .t|»e ipqmmo-
ifities Ave purchase froiji Greai-Bei/a^^j^ yV,'hen our ^ov«rfll»efit8 af e .tjp be fufpeniiftdy. un-
le!?\ve will be humble^ complying, U9iTiurnivi,ring, very,, .very flsves, , we are .then /«
''^merica ; bat when ^ffe.J^rfl tc^chtfe^ our,f^pr^.efeptatives>, our', trudeeSj who are bound
thereby in duty and intereil to treat; iJS'\7ii^ t,he,famje iufticejanditefldernefs.vwith wJiich
they would treat themfelves, thep^ jriy. i^,Q|iinj^fHeA». ^ye lare, jiHihappily ip ithe manor of
j^^t^enwicli. Thiw^. I J?^/; 7^w.^,|,«^,^t|iJ?; (f53^ ViKgirfi^i free-

fio^der, do vote wliVottt fe,no^w|9^ jt,-j^0K,f^vi?yTSf^?ii'ilf1thi(e<fnanpriQf,Gr^
ianf; v/hich manor I heveT/l^V,rP9i«Y^4ee^(€-y?,i^ l?j$ar4 ai ,^ips^ tq Jayipi duty ;upon

.o^q srfi? ^- ^-^-'^^ •*•'' -v^^T^ibaa ol '^f { b^/iawojn^ ^d lAuosir uwo ibdi ,yIqo;>Q c>.<^anty,
^_ fStee^ debates in Pariraraient^v^w^.ii 704V '^/'^^.-tti^i The "lights of the iJeep^e ire fafer
in the hands of their ; repre^n^aJ^^ea thanjany Qibe;i! 1; ,if theiy do riot Hke them, they caa
turn thern out, and chufe newidQe5\; b»W.-l^y ;Cannp|;^4p foiQ jhft<;af6 pfjthft.X^ords,^ iVIf,
£oxo;;fl'?j*s'fpeech. Tbid.'p.. ^6, C-^Va!' . v- \ „ ,,. \ ' ., - • «

■ ^f • Now ndbody can think, but'lhat'the n*ght to ele?l'a ^arlfartient pan, which is. si (fiftip-
guiStftig chayafter from- the vHlgaf, arid hath its M/eight in the )^ifl"ature, is a privilege ;
aod $hei ^fcdre to be deprived of i t, is to be deprived not bnfy-bf a buVden or fefvice, but of
a ver.yyaJuable privilege : And I believe any 5"7/^///?rwrf»^woaIdthinfe we dealt very hardly
bj hipijj^M df pfiye hiai.pf i,t, though we {hotrid teil bin* gt tlie feme tiine we deprited himt
onTyqf t JerVTce or' burden, not of a valuable privilege.

' Cowper's (afteiwapds Lo^fl Chancellor) fpeeeh.

^o -The mo N 1 T O R.

county, Virginia. This, my countrymen, would, in the days of fuperftulon, have
been called witchcraft; but, the gentled of all (hepherds, the vifeu, virtuoiifeft, dif-
creeteft, bell of all Minifters, Mr. Urcnvillc, calls it a virtual reprefevtaiion. We might
have flattered ourfeives, that ^.viriital obedience, would have exactly cor refponded with
a virtual rct>■refsnt.^iion ; bin i: is the ineffable wifdoin of Mr. Crenvillc, to reconcil?,
what, to our feeble coniprehenfions, appeared to be contradidions ; and therefore a
real obedience is required to this virtual fo^'tv. How does this great man foar above
thofe weaknefies that govern mankind on this earth; truth, juftice, wifdoni, law, and
right ? It was not until his compleat triumph over thefe human weakneHes, that he de-
clared Avurlca reprefcnted in the manor oi Greenwich ; but who is the reprefentative ?
Does he know US; Or We him? No. Have we any reftriftion over his conduft ? No.
Is he bound -in duty and Intereft to preferve our liberty and property ? No. Is he ac-
quainted with our circumilances, fitnation, wants, &c, ? No. What then arc we to
cxpca from him? Nothing but taxes without end. Unhappy people ! We are fallen
into that deplorable (late in which I fuppofed the EngliJI? would be, were tliey taxed by
thofe whom they did not eleifl. So vitally injurious v/ould fuch a power be to the liber-
ties of that people, that fuch of their Kings as were tyrannically difpofed, have, through
the whole courfe of their hiiliory, been endeavouring to accomplilli it; but fo fenfible
were the people of its importance, that they as conftantly reclaimed that right by their
reprefentatives ; till the bill of rights fupprelTed entirely all fuch attempts. Thus, Mr.
Petit, in his JufParliameiitarum, aflerts that never any impofition was fet on by the
King out of Parliament, but what was complained of in Parliament; and not one that
ever flood after fuch complaint, but remedy was afforded for it. Even when the BritiJJ?
Parliament attempted to tax a part of Britain, which it did not aftually rcprefent; the
violation of liberty was perceived, reclaimed againft, and redrefled. And that the in-
juftice of fuch proceedings might (land recorded to all futurity, it is fet forth in the ftatutes
34 and 5, H. VIII, in thefe words, " that the inhabitants of Diirhai?i and Chejler,
having neither Knight ne Burgefs in the Parliament oiJVeJiminJJer, for the lack thereof
have been oftimes touched and ^r/Vfi?.-/ with acts and ftatutes, made within the faid court,
-as nvell derogatory icnio the inof a7ifient jiirifdiCiions, liberties and privileges of your faid
county palatine (and of Durham) ai prejudicial unto the coimnonnxiealth, quictnefs,
refi, and p-eace of your Grace's inof hounded fubjefls inhabiting in the fame" Such
was the facred reverence paid to the rights and liberties of the fubjecl ! But if the
people of the counties of Durham and Chejier, fo nearly cornered with thofe who
voted for the reprefentative, whofe circumftances might fo eafily be known, were yet
touched and grieved by the afls of that reprefentative ; how much more Ihall we be
injured, who are remote, unknown, unfriended, unfhpported ? Shall we not be touched
to the quick ? Shall we not be grieved to the heart ? Will not our jurifdiflions, liber-
ties, and privileges, be totally violated ? Shall we not fink into (laves ? 0 liberty ! O
virtue ! O my country !

My Lord CAMDEN has juftly and emphatically obferved, that there;/ not a blade
ef grnfs in Great-Britain hut n^jhat is rcprefntid i for what unheard of crime is i-t,
■ * that

Thf mo N I T O R. 71

tint not a blade of gfafs ia America is repvefented ? V7hat can preveftt us from beirg
treated with all the feveiity which the cruel rapacity of a wicked Miniftcr may dilate,
if v/e be once fubjefted to an authority unlimited and unredrained ? Every needy de-
pendent on the Miniuer will be immediately provided for in Amsrica, nev/ places will
be framed, new, endlefs, and infupportable taxes will be laid upon us, for their fuppori,
rendering us the flaves of fiaves. When Sir Rohert IValpde was endeavouring to ex-
tend the"excife in England, Mr. Pultensy, after having fliewed how fatal it would be
to the liberties of the people, to what mifery and contempt it would reduce them, to
what dangerous excefs it would extend the influence of the Minifter, adds, "Nay, Sir,
I do not know but feme of us may live to fee fome vain overgrown Minifter of State,
driving along the ftreets, with fix Members of Parliament behind his coach*," In like
manner I think it not at ail improbable, that, under this new fyftem, a Minifter will
b- waited upon at table by half a dozen American Governors ; while their deputies are
exercifing us with the iron rod of extortion. I can conceive that it would give the
malignant heart of Grenville infinite pieafure, to be thus avenged by fending bis foot-
7mn to tread upon the necks, and grind the faces of tbofe people, whofe fpirit once dif-
appointed his oppreffive purpofes ; and held him up to infamy and contempt. Some
perhaps may flatter themfelves, this will never be the cafe ; but I would aflc them, ou
what ground they cherifli this hope, or where is the fecurity in this new m.odel of our con-
ftitution, againft all the igaominyand evils of tyranny ? For it is moft certain that wicked
Minifters do frequently exift:, and that a government (as Mr. Fletcher has before ob-
ferved) is not only a tyranny when tyrannically exercifed ; but a] fo when there is no
fuflicient caution in the cooilitutioB that it may not be ufed tyrannically f. Where is
this caution in ours ? _ . ^

Let me then again exhort my countrymen, over the ivhole continent, that they infruSl
their reprefentatives to dra'vj up a petition of rights, and never defijl from the folUci-
taliontill it be confrvied into a bill of rights. Then, and then only, wiU there be truly
fuch a thing as American freedom ; then only fiiall we be fafe from thofe ills v/hich ty-
ranny pours down upon its wretched vaffals. From which,' may God of his infinite
inercy, preferve us. -

^.'PI S. As the right of eledtiaa is the very pillar of our conftitutlon ; I hope the
'illlov/ing explanation of it, by Sir Jofeph Je'kyll, a very learned and able lav/yer, wi!?
got be unacceptable. I take the right, fays he, of every eledor in England to accrue
iqhim by the common law, for he is under one or other thefe qualifications: Either
he is a freeholder, and then he has a right to vote for knights of the flvire ; or he has
a Tight by charter, or a right by prefcription ; which two laft rights take in the right of
voting inall cities and boroughs. Now I would be glad to know whether the right of
a freeholder' is not by the common law ? Whether a right by charter is not by common
law? Ts it not that law that enables the Crown to .grant charters and quaHfies that
power ? Whether a ri^ht by prefcription is not Tsy the common iaw ? Is not prefcription

common

* See the ParRaroen^^y-dtbajg^^.^/.'-V. 1733 '.P- 92..
I Political Works, p. lo'S. '■■ ' T- '■ - ~

72 The MONITOR.

common ufage ? And is the common law any thing but common ufage ?-The freeHolderi's
ri^ht of voting is of the eflence of iiis freehold, and you may as well take away his
treehold, :as lake away the right of voting, which he lias by virtue af that freehold,
(be. Now I proceed to obferve, that were the Houfe of Commons in England our real
reprefentative, they could not, of right, either lake away, or aid in taking away from
us this right ; for this right of efedion, b^ing the very pillar of our eonftitution, it
cannot he removed without dellrudion to the conflltution itfelf, and furely tlie repte-
fentative is chofen, not to fubvert or aid in fubverting, but to fupport the eonftitution ;
and it manifeftly is the higheft inconfiftency to fuppofe the people would chufe tmilees
to take from them thatpVery right by which they'chofe them. Ills a right which the
people cannot give away, it is truly a divine right, prior and paramount to all laws, and
v/hich may be modelled, but cannot be refigned. How truly contemptible then, how
thoroughly wicked is that Grenvillean idea, that a virtual leprelintative can rightfully
take the privilege of tlct^ting from the people oi America ?

—— ^biiii .ru. !f^i: ' bo . ■

NUMB E R IV.

Potior -cifa eji pcriculofa libertas, quiet o fcrvii to.. SALLUSX.

Liberty procured with danger, feemed preferaWe to flavery with eafe.

N my preceding papers, I have endeavoured to warn my countrymen of the danger
that threatens their liberties. 1 have proved, from the fentimenis of the greateft
men of all ages, and from the hiflories of r>ations, how necefTarily virtue, happinefs
and ftrength, attend a free government ;. and that weaknefs, vice, ignominy and wretch-
ednefs, are the unavoidable concomitants of flavery. 1 have farther taken the liberty of
fuggefting to my countrymen, the neceility aiiyiji ruling their reprefentatives to petition
to our vioji Gracious Sovereign agqitiji the iate ads of the Britifti 'Parliament ; nuhich
are dejlru&ive of the rights and liberties of the Britiftv colonies^ in America. And I
ihall now proceed to offer the outlines of the inftruftlons, which it is incumbent on the
people, as they value the liberty their forefathers bequeathed them, to give their repre-
lentatives. '

I. That we the freeholders or eleftors of the county or borough,

are fully fenfible, that the privilege, which we have always pofTeiTed, of eleding our
own reprefentatives, to raife taxes, or levy money upon us, as the exigencies of go-
vernment fhall require, and we are able to fupply, is eflentially neceflary to our free-
dom : So that without this privilege, we muft inevitably be flaves.

II. That we regard every attempt to take this privilege from us, or to injure us for
not refigning it, as in the highefl: manner oppreflive and unjuH.

lii> X HAT

The M O N I T OR. 73

ni. That \vt corjader fuch attempts made upon any one colony, equally intercfiing
to every Britijlj co]or,y \n y^/?ierica.

IV. We tiiereforc recomniend it to yon, in the moft carneft manner, by the regard
yo-j have for our hb?rties asd rights, witli which we have now intruded von, to do your
utmoft in the next Adimbly, toward? Iiaving petitions drawn up to our mod Gracious
King sgainft the late ads of the Brit:Jh Parliament, fai billeting Toldiers in j'linericai
for lufpending the government of iV>T,c'-2>/'/^, and for laying certain duties, for tht pnr-
pofe of raifing money on glafs, paper, paint, <bc. impotied into America from Great-
Britain,

V. We think, and (hall always think, that any impofitions whatever laid upon us by
the Britijh Parliament, v.'hich does not and cannot reprcfent us, are abfoluiely deftruJtive
of. our liberty.

yi. VYe therefore recommend it to you, that you endeavour to have ihefe our fen-
timents formed into a petition cf rights ; or in any other manner that fnall ficni, to
your wifdom, mofl: proper to procure their being cftabliflied into a hill of rights ; to the
end that we may no more be alarmed with invafions of our liberties, but rtft in peace,
each man under his own vine, and each man under his own fig-tree.

VII. We again heartily recommend the utmoft attention to thefe our moft important
concerns; and we promife to fupport you, in the profecution of thefe meafures, to the
Wtmoft of our abilities. ,

Thefe T think are the, neccfTary heads of the indruftionSj which ought to be given
to all the reprefentatlves of the people in America. They fpecify what we feel to be
our rights, and v/hat have been the invafions of them ; they recommend to our repre-
fentatives, to petition againft thefe violations, and to endeavour the preventing ihtm
for the future ; laftly, they promife them a juft fupport in this bwfinefs.

It has been objefled to this method of petitioning, that it will probably be ineffec-
tual ; and this fuppofition is founded upon the fate of our petitions and remonilrances
againfV the Stamp- Aft. The difregard they met with, it is thought, will fall upon thefe.
But I muft beg leave to think there is no validity in this objedion ; becaufe the cir-
cumllances of things is entirely altered. The affairs of yifw^r/Va were /-^f/; neither at
3II underftood ; nor in the leafl regarded. I remernber to liave heard fcmeconfiderable
members fay in the lobby, during the debates on the repeal of the Stainp-Acl, that,
though they were in the Houfe when it firft pafTed, yet they did not pay fo much atten-
tion to the reading as to hear what the bill contained. It is not fo no'w ; the affairs of
America have become the obje<5l of national attention ; and I am confident, the A-
?«^r;V^/? petitions will not be again treated fo cavalierly, nay, I would venture to a/Terty
that no Minifter will dare to imitate the violence of Mr. Grenville, in fuppreffing or
withholding thefe petitions. I muft obferve further on this head, that two things
more contributed to the rendering thofe petitions abortive ; one was, that the colonies
were not by any means unanimous in fending them ; the other waS, that either through
want of proper Inftruftions, or through a neglefl^ of them, the affair was not properly
managed at home, VIRGINIA was, I think, the only colony that remonftrated and

petitioned

-1 The monitor.

p-tltloncd at fif.^|''S*\v4nly did fo at nirr?md tliereTfpre^tk' gen£*rl! fenfe of the colo-
nies, exprefisd by their AlTomblies, will hardly meet v/ith the fame fate". Either no
inllrufliohs were font, direftiog our remonftra.hces and petitions to be made puhlics or
they were not coiliplied with in time ; and this oraifTion had the fatal effcft of prejudi-
cing the people of England agalnfl our proceedings. They thought us violent and dif-
refpedlful in making fuch fpirited refolves, and opponng the execution of the iS/^zw/-
JB, without previou'dy petitioning agaii3ft.it, Innumerable times did I hear this ur-
ged agaihfl: the Americans; which would not have happened, had our rernonrtrahces and
petitions been made public. The people oi England are candid, juft, and generous;,
under the influence of paffion, they may aft repugnant to this charafler, but otherwife
I am confide-nt they never will ; 1 am confident they will applaud our conduift, when
. they perceive wc are vindicating our liberties, in a refpedlful, tho' firm and Ipirited
manner, in the manner that they themfelves began to reclaim their own, in the time of
'James T'. The voice of the people of England has that weight with the adminiftra-
;tlon,' which, the Voice of every free people ought; (to have; it hns great weight ; and
therefore care fhould be taken to render it favourable, which a fair appeal to thetii,
will, in cdnfeqiience of that noblenefs of nature which diftinguiflies them, generally ob-
tain. ,1 do not wifh to injure thofe Gentlemen who ferve the colonies as agents ; but it
' is notorious, that many of them v/ere our enemies in the affair of the Stamp-ACt ; forae
■ of them, I know, were outrageoufly fuch. 'I think it my Duty to admonifh my country-
.men of this, that they may not truft thefe very important concerns to thofe, who, from
, the nature of things, cannot be fufhciently interefted in .them, and of whofe abilities'
'we cannot'' be propel* judges. 1 fubmit it to their confideration, whether we might not
reafonably expeft more fuccefs from men chofen from among ourfelves j on whofe
known wifdom, integrity and fpirit, we might fafely rely.

I W5LL beg the reader to indulge me a little longer, while I touch upon the right

of conrtituents to inftruft their reprefentatives. It has been lately^ denied that they

'..have fuch a right. I fay lately, that is, fince. the fyftem of corruption,^ which is noKv

arrived at fo dangerous a hetghth, began firft to predominate in our conftitution. Then

,1}. wag, that arbitrary Minifters, and their proftituted dependents, began to maintain

"tills doflrine, dangerous to our liberty, that the reprefentatives were independent 6f

the people. This was neceflary to ferve their own tyrannical and felfifli purpoies ; it

was therefore called by Sir John Barnard, and others, a neiv and nxiicked Doflrine ;

" It is. Sir," faid Sir Wtlfiajn JVyndham, " not only a new doflrine, but it is the

inoft mon'ftrous, the mofl: flavifh dodrine, that was ever heard, and fuch a doflrine as

J! hope no man Vv'ill ever dare to fuppOrt within thefe walls *."

.' .._My Lord Coke, in his inftitutes, fays, •;' it is alio a law and cuftom of Parliament,
that when any new device is moved in the King's behalf in Parliament, for his aid, or
the like, the Commons may anfwer, that they tendered the King's eftate, and are rea-
dy to aid the fame, only in this new device they dare not agree 'without conference nviih
their countries ; whereby it appeateth that fuch conference is warrantable by the law

and

* See the debates on the feptennial bill, 1734.

Xh^. -M-Q,N I T O R. 73-

and cuflom of Parliament." He has cited an inflance of this in the Parliament held
the c)th ^oF' J'TJivard 111. and Mr, Petit, in\\i%JiitFarlianie?:tariu?u,\vAS given a-
noth-jr precedent of it in the ijth year of the fame reign. It appears theh, that by
tjie conitiiution, the reprefentatives ought not to agree to any new"device, before they
hive taken the fentiments <Df their conltitnents ; and why agree to any old device i"
Becaufe they are fuppofed to have received already the inflructions of the people. The
confHtution therefore fuppofes the Knight or Bnrgefs always to receive the inlhu(5tions
of his conjhcuents, before he ads ; and furely, when thefe are received, it would be
the highefi abfurdity to fuppofe the member was not bound by them,' for tliis would be
to fet the opinion and interefts of one man agaiiift thofe of thonllinds ; which wc.ij!d
be abfard, ruinous, and unju(i. It is, without quedioa,- but commun jufiice, that they
who are to ftel the efFeds of any meafure, flipuld direft in the coftdud of it, otherwife
they would be flaves and wretched tools; the reprefentatives are trnftees Jor their
q^oriftituenis, to tranfadt for them the bufjaefs of government ; and therefore I prefume
^ is, thai; the writ 'runs, to ferve in Parliament ; and for 'this' yt-rivj-^", they, lilce all
TQtiier agents, were paid by their cpnftituents ; 'til. they found it more advantageous to
^;I1 their" voices in Parliament, and then it was they broach'^d this mo'nflrons dodtrine,
and wifhed to become independent of the people. I hope the origin of this opinion
will luifice to condemn it ; the right of the people to inflrucTr, niuft have began with
the conftitution, becaufe it is nectflary to that treedom which is the eiTtnce of it, and
is founded in the laws of juftice, which arc eternal and immutable; and when this
right is taken from us, we may jnllly corr.plainj as Dt7)icfihenes did for the AtherAans,
.^".' that the reprefcntative\\z% now ufurped the right of the people, and exercifes an ar-
'jjifary authority over his antient and natural lord *." \sox is there any one inliance
.jjji which the people have abufed this right, or reafcn to apprehend the) will e\ei do
tt ;' they adt from what they feel ; and when that feeling is general, it muft be real:
*' The Nobility and Gentry," fays Mr. Ac(difon, " have fo many private expedations,
^nd particular interefts, that hang like a falfe bials upon thtir judgments, and may
poliibly difpofe them to facrifice the good of their country to the advancemerft of their
pwn fortunes ;' whereas the grofs of the people can have no other profped in changes
and revolutions, than of public bl'cfEngs, that are to dIfFufe themfelves through the
Y^hole (late in general f;"

_ For thefe reafons, 1 hold itto be an antient and unalienable right in the people, to
inftrud their reprefentatives ; nor has it any weight with me, that Mr. Blackjiov.e, in
Eis cornmentary on the law of England, has afTerted the contrary ; fince he founds his
opinion on that iidion, of a perfon's being, after he is eleded, the reprefentative of
the whole kingdom, and not of a particular part. The fophiltry of this argument is
fuili:iently manifcft, and has been fully exploded. The Hritijlo conditution is not to
be new-modelled by every Court Lawyer % ; any more than the liberties gI Avierwa

■ U ■ are

* See his third Olynthian.
. , ^ ■■^ddijon\ travt-is.

.' . - j Mr. i/Z/^c/i'/e/zi? is Solicitor to the Queen.

^6

The M O N I T O R.

are to be r^afored down, or wafted away txom us, by the fiiyer tecgviG, lOr venal breaik
of a Court Judge *. . .^ .-. .. , ,,, . , ;

* Lord Mm—'ld who fupported the right of Parliament over ^(^^^j^^^agaialt Lord

-, 1 v\ ni ;-,

:>■•', -:jj"itrtv>. ami] io Jii-; tjuj ixnii

" NUMBER V.

j4d rei[)ii%llcce firmandas <ir ftahlVtendas vires, fanandos populos, crnnis nojlra perglt^,
oratio. Cicero de I.egibus '^■

The aim of thefe papers is to eftablifh the rights of thfe colonies, to provide for their
fircngth and welfare, upon a fure and foiid foundation,"' "'^.^\

''HEN I earneflly recommend to my countrymen in America, the inftnicffing their
real reprefentatives tO petition to our mo(t Gracious Sovereign ngainil: thofe Ute
afts of the Britijh Parliament, which infringe our liberties, and for a conf)rmatu:n of
thofe rights, which we have hitherto uninterruptedly poffi fled, I ccniply perfeflly in
my judgment, with the profeflion made in this motto. For thefe ads tending to make
all property among us precarious, to expofe us to vice, violence and contempt, aie but
too manifeftly inconfiltent with our ftrength or welfire ; and a confirmation of cur
rights, would efiablifli them on a fnre and folid foundation, fo as to merit the title of
the Magna C/mrta A?nericana, What were the means, by which oar forefathers in
Ef2gla?fd ODia^xntA their Magna Charta, I do not flop here to enquire; it is fufficient to
me, that it it is generally agreed to have been a recapitulation of thofe privileges whicli
they had long enjoyed ; and what was therefore in juftice their due. The rights we
claim, have been cur uninterrupted poffellion for upwards of an hundred years I fay
uninterrupted ; for otherwife our rights are as old as the BritiJJo conflitution, fince we
are the direft and lineal defcendants of Brilons. Gur American forefathers had there-; '
fore no abfolute occafion for charters to confirm their liberties to us their defccndarts,"'
as it mufl: have been concluded that we were in courfe entitled to them ; but theyjuf'ly
confidered, that a pofleilion fo dear as liberty could not be guarded with too much fe-
curity. This confideration is a fufficient anfwer to thofe, who conchide our privilege^"'^
to be n«ll and void, becaufe they were held fiom the Royal charter ; which, fay thty,''"'
it is not in the power of prerogative to grant*; thefe charters are not grants of neW^'
rights, but in confirmation of old ones ; nor is it worth difputing whether prerogative^?
could grant them ; it would be enough for us, that prerogative did grant them, that the -
Parliament acquiefced in the grant, and that the free people of Britain aCied under the

fecurity
* See the Lords protell againft the repeal of the Stamp- A^,

The M on IY OR. 77

fec'hyftv of'that grant. Sur-ly then it could not be deemed confident with tlie laws of
h > 'ur ir jatHce, that the ParliaTient (hould fuffer the people to be deluded by a nu-
g„ grant; that they fiiould ccunten-vnce, at Irafl, thefe charters, urcer the lecurity

tiCT '.vh-^cti, the (ird lettlers might be icmpied to div^fl: therafelves of the real libertic!*
they polTiffed in Great-Britain. TTie very fuppofition is in the h'gheft manner dero-
gaory of t!ie credit, and irjurnus to iht; hunour of Parliament ; and therefore cannot
b;; adruitud.... But this (uppofitioa. wretched asit^s, will become ftill more contempti-
ble, whs^n we refle(5l, that the laft of thcfe charters was granted in the r- ign oi Georgti-
th» Second, when there remained little doubt concerning the nature of the Dritijh ccn-
ftirution, the liberties of the peopU, or the power of prerogative, fine-; the bill of
rights had, long before that period, fixed thern upon the fame determined principles by
wliich they have ever fmce been governed. And this lafi: charter, has referred to the
A'tu^ricafif the fame privileges, and in the fame words, as hath the firfi: in the reign of
"James the Fir il; What? Were all the "Pa'liaments, from that period to this, alleep,
that they fiiffered prerogative thus to ufurp their rights ;,tiii,Crt'.:?y;//i? and his patriotic
party awakened this Parliament to reclaim them \ _..,.^\ ^ ^,oq^: ..^-

Of the fame leaven is that fuppofition, that thefe liberties were never intended or
thought of in thofe charters f. Have words then np. meaning, or are they to give up
their m)^aning, like we our liberties, to pleafe the accomplifhed Mr. Grenville ? The
wprds are referving to the A;mricans , the privileges, immunities, franchifes and liber-
ties of Britl/b fubj-N^ts, as if ba^n .vithin the realm o^ Britain C juid words (o ex-
prefs, fo pofitive as, thefe, he without meaning ? Could they fail being perfectly under-
ftQod bv thofe who granted and thofe Avho received the charters ? To imagine then,
thfit the, firfl: fectlqrs did not underftand thefe v/ords, in the fenfe of giving their pro-
perty by their own confent, ozprcffed by themfelves, or their reprefentatives, which v/as
it^e well known ground of Brit'f!:) liberty, when, agreeably to this accepta-ticn, they
ininaediately chafe reprefentatives to tax them, and who have continued folely to lay
irrjipoGcions upon them, is a fuppofition that deferves only to be mentioned, that it may
be, defplfed. It is like all the reil of Grsnville's fophillry, moft contemptible ; indeed
I have often lamented, that Mr. GrenyiUt% fpeech, in fupport of the Stamp- Aa., was^
not, printed, as, well as Mr., P;7/'s againjfl: it.. ,, The wretched fophifhy, Vvivh which be
endeavoured to prove the legitimacy of his hideons offspring, fecmed. to me the ftrongGlt'
3narj<. of its being ;fpurjous. How I'lrange, how very ilrange it is, ihav a Vv-ife, a hzt,
a generous people, (hould ever have been influenced by a man, who never, in any one
afl of hi? adminillration, fhewed either wifdom or virtue ; and whofe chief charac-
teriiliic, is the being obRlnately wedded to his ov/a weak, confined and wicked politics !
Strange that th^y, do not fee their own liberties embarked in the fame bottom with
oiirs ; and. that the violence which finks the one, rnutt overwhelm the other. When
our rights are thus plain and indubitable, our cafe becomes general, and Britain her-
felf is intereiied in the fupport of it : Whenever our liberties are laid low, thtir rights

... and

t Sec ihe prctcft.

'^p^, T^s- ^M pt ^-i .;r 0, B.

\we'te''cdnriirt>€d by ivapcos Kings, ^ antV recognized by various'Tarli'ame'fits';'^we thcn^iti'^
GOuntryiTi'^iT are^ free:: 'And .k^ us tell our brethren jri "Br'iJii'h:, 'tWat "u'e "are free'; Jet
iis telLit with a fpi nit; becoming thofe, who claim fo noble ;ihx6\\\tlli<Sbdj\}\xht-BritiJh
■'fjjirity thrln "^.'hich'a nobler nev«r yet animated a Free people T' \ '"' "■'"'' /' _*■'''' ^
'• In loakihg lorv/ard* to the ve/.y, probable coufeq^^uences of* a'pca^eabfe"- ffcquierc^ihc^
•undei* the la^te. afi'amed auihority oi^h,Q BrftijJj Pprlianient, l'flu;cicIer\'?ith'a|:^pr6hei?fion^
Our 7//ci;;cy' only is Seized upon now, to re/Uz-e ij:'e )hlfi' cf''0-cfli-'Mr)i^';h;'''in&''^ifl''r.(h
vav youth be ravaged from us next io fgh't her battles', in th6 'M\di^''tY'& o^driy'; ' o^ in
the bidian ocean? V/ill.not a prefs-gang be cur next fcoiirge ? 1 fee afYefidy'n'ren'-tdfn-
from their weeping and diftreffed fanuii-?? ,>yithout hope, without redrefs, never to re-
turn, .by an unrelenting, lawlefs crew, unbridled by cur own civil' and legiflative au^
t-horitjT:, and wantonly cruel in the; ,ftxecuti,on 9f defpotic power. ' UTee^tery thdea?iil^
tie of .father,! 'hnfband, -fpa /ai^d^.btcthcr,, t,0|i;!3 afunder, uhrefpited, 'n'npitje'd',' u'nj'cpriev^
ed. ' I fee ray weaping coimtry,'V/orn down. witfi reiterated f6rfo^Vs-4hd' a!affns,''im'pk)l>J.
ing aid, peace, refpite, er revepge ; Alar, ( Ip vain,]TcrycuilifuI fbnsire now no''more^J
fallen inforeign 'wars and on.unho.fpitable fbores • nbtliing but 'fei^ble age re-m-ains to'ini^
his aihavaiiing tears with hers. Gods ! Are we men, and Aall we fufrer the founriaticn
to be laid lor miferies like thefe;, AkiII wo look tamely' on while the j'bke iis fixed upon
i.>s, under which v/e muft for ever groan T We and bur poilefity forever.- "Shall we
thus devotc-- ourfelves an4 them to the malice of private lurking inrbrmers, and the-
liatefutinfuits.6f petty authority; tpjje hunted like beafts of prey, like murderers and
felons ; our .property, our liberty, our liappinefs given up to MiniCcers, who having.:
grov/n favage in the exercife of defpotifm, 'fliall contrive for us new hardfhips, new'opf
preflions, and tyrannize without meafyre, without fear, without mercy. Even in Eng-?-
iand, a Minifler- has. l?een found daring arid vvieked enough' to propoie in Parliament,
that authority lljou Id be given to^ihc officers of prefs-gangs to break into any houfe, and'
at any lime, a^d earry /3ff.ajny.one.,who was find to be a failor, to irakc it puni(hable for:
any one. to qonce.'^l fiioh men, and to, put them tp their own oatlv, to prove the fads fon
which they were tofulT^r.,-- And .this bill,, fiaught aS it was with cruelty and opprefiloniJ'
could hardly be rejei^ed Jiy tj^e univei-fal indignation exprefled againft it by all thff^
efforts of patriotifm and powers of eloquence, fuch as even Cicero and Deviojlheties Xi^-vtt^
excelled. What fliall we then, who are uiireprefented, unfriended and urheard, ex-
pid? Shall we hope;a'|v!inifter To wicked and fo daring will never live ? Vain hope,
even now he lives. MrVPA^/'sTpeech informs us that "^w Robert 11 alpole, daring anct-
wicked as he was, did not dare to x.'Xk Avierica.' But he who has dared, has wickedijr;.
dared to taxhtfr,,' lives' Ihll-,-, he lives tofee his meafures adopted, aiTerted and executed;
and he miy live to propofe faccsfsfally <77? 'wiprefshill for' Avierkd. When fuch a bill,^
tyrinnical in iifelf, and parental of tyranny in others, giving confidence to the arrogan'r,-'-
and fecurity to the cruel, ihall have p,afled ; then mult we prepare to fee our property
•■■ • : . , ravillied

The M O N I T O R. 79

ravlftied fromns, our houfes broke open, our wives, our daugbterSj violated, ouifclpcs
lorfitVom the tendernefs and carefies of our familits, and chugged, witli cvtry circu^j-
ftance of violence and barbarity, to hardilups, labour, infuhs, and opprvffion. So will
the tyrant or his minions doom; fucli are tiie ills whicii tyranny iuvents, and flavtry
nrift bear ; ills, whicii cannot be heard without indignation, nor thought of wuhout
h irror * If there be yet any among my countrymen, who doubt whether Crenvills
hiinfcif would be capable of fuch atrocious cruelties, let fuch bethink them how neccfiary
a p-irt of his plan a prefsbiil is, to conihrue n'^ \r\ that ^Meak/ieft, which haying once
a J miffed, will always confirm his tyranny, Tie taking fr'^vi us cur youth, aud frength,
v.'ill riv-it the chains, which th-.^ g^'^i'^'g and granting our prcperty nuili; ii/ipojj up jn us.
Even thofe who

Counfd, ignoVlc eafe, and peaceful fioih,
flitter thcmfilves, that when v/c grow ftronger, we fnaii fiiake off ttie yoke. Belufire
hope ! Will the tyrannous rainilier fuffer us to grow {trongsr ? Does flavery give
ftrenvfth \ [Jave I not ihewn vhat thi fiibric which libtrty rears to beauty, {Irength and
grandeur, by flavery is foon dt faced and ruined f ? We Have indeed grov/n iirong, and
fiouriiked to a'.nazemsnt, for our years ; but v/hy ? Becaufe the unquekioned enjoy-
ment of liberty and property, drew emigrants to us in troops ; but when thefe attrac-
tions are no more, when, in their (tead, grim tyranny (hall rear his hideous form, who
is it that will ;ipproach him ? Then, when an American and a flave are one, who is it
that will voluntarily feek bondage in Anierica ? If any man be yet inclined to leave his
liberty at mercy, and trull in the juftice and humanity of great men, let them read the
lift of bribes, for which the Chancellor Bacon fet juflicb to fale ; let him examine the
impeachments of the Chief-Juftice TrejJlHan, and the lefl of the judges, tlie cam-
paign oi Jeffrey's, and the admiriiftration of Sir Rohert IValfols 1 ; then blulh at his
credulity, and retrad his error.

Some there are, who acknowledging, for who can deny it, the violation of our li*
berties, yet think tLere is a neceihty of fubmitting to it. Necc'flity, abfolute neceffity,-
is a formidable found ; v/eil calculated to awe the v/eak into fiience, and terrify the i-.r
mid into fubmiffion. But, for my part, I cannot conceive the neceffity of becoming a
flave, while there remains a ditch in which one may die free ; nor can I vi/ell imagine a
greater neceffity ever to exifl, than that which impended over the Athenians, from
Xerxes f and his million, over the flarving Romans^ from a powerful befieger, over the

X unwarlike

• * If the reader would fee to v/hat dangerous and daring lengths a tyrannizing Minifcer
\vill go, and how fai the modefty of a real reprefentative will lilffer him, he will do well
to perufe the debates on the imprefs and cxcife bills.

f See Monitor II.

4: All thofe uivaders of the liberties of the people were aftervv'ards called to an account
for it by the r^'fl/rcprtfentatives of the people ; had they been virtual, they v/ould iiave
aided thetyianny initead i.-f impeaching it. Trejjilian, and the judges, were hanged ^r.
the inftance of the Commons, alarmed at the cries, and incenfed at theinj'iries of their
oppre.Ted conifituents ; but our viitual reprefentativ-c would neither hear our cries, lee
our cpprefBons, nor redrefs our gvi-Tvancts,

'Fo -The M O N I T O R.

'unv.'arlikc people of F/i7«i/c'rj-, from veteran troops, and a very potent ISfonlrch, or
tlian that which now operates upon the Ccrrfvcans^ From the French and C'n^noefsf iipoR
th'e Georgians, irom the miglity force of the Turkijh. empire. They who knov/ \\\?x
the battle is ilot aUvays to tlie ftrong, nor the race to , the Iv/ift, wjii. not pay a very
feacly ;:cq(iis{cence to formidable words, snd confident afTertiona. But, where ta ih^
lieccllky that withholds lis from carrying the fufFerings of the innocent, and the ifijurit^
of th'e dpprefred, to the foot of the throne I That thronej whofe fapportS,avr-e' }v/Hc«
'and' nlfef-ty, that throne, from whence our moft graeioes Sovereign ha8' airQ4dy-|jrQj?iif<ijd
l1s, that he t'/ill maintain the liberties and rights of ,^11, his fubj«<ft'<j , I -cipuor^l *o,i,.^§?;
tlition?! ai^d- tumultuous oppofition, but a clear and refpctftful repr:tf<£i)ti:Sion;Q£!(Hii'
rights and grievances, \yith an humble petition for relief. And I rely,:t>5 the^kaQv;'^
griic? and juflicc of hislViajefiy, for redrefs, en the virtue of the free people oi Evgland,
For encouragement and approbation. But in no event muft our liberties be given, iip ;
ftu'r liberties, which like the hairs of the flrong man, are. the feat of qm lirength; if
thefe therefore be (liora away, it will be then in ^a,i^ij«t0 -fify .pijifc 3'i?n^v&//{/?/««^ii^^
iipon you, ;:J ;\\v;,:' '.^vX^^'v,' "i ?"! 3 jr b UT.:'\ •.:■■,-■ r-i

B E,^.R^. VI.

OppreiTioa, tyraiinyj and power ufurp'd,

Draw ail the vengeance of his arm upon. them. Cato.

T¥7HY,, my friend, faid a Gentleman the other day, do you employ your time in
VV writing on Liberty, which may poliibly biing you into-fome diriiculvies or dan-
-ter ; wh'en you might ufe it fo much more to your own emolument ?—T-r-.Bec;.uf- Li-.j
herty is the very idol of ray foul, the parent of virtue, the niirfo of heroes, the difpcn*.
i*i:r of general happinefs ; becaufe flavery is the monfirous mother of every abominable
v'icQ, and every atrocious ill ; becaufe the liberties of my country are invaded, and in
d'an'^er of 'entire deftvu^tion, by the late afts .of the i?;-i///7j Parliament ; becaufe I would
with- Joy be th'e faerifjce to the re-eftablifliment of. them, upon a.fure and lolid. founda-
tion; -Vtef-y many there are, infinitely more able than, myfelf, to fupport the rights of
their^untry, and why they comply not with this^mofi cogent of all duties, I cannot
divine., Perhaps they think not with me, that it is the duty of every man to pay the
tribute Q? fl^edkin^^ out, to his country; to roiife the fpirit of Liberty, to protefVagainlt
v./hat he cannot prevent, and claim, without ceafing, what he cannot by his ov.'n
flrengf-h recover. And, furely no mortal can afpire to a higher ftation, or to g'eatcr

Thl MO N IT O R/ gT

g]'o!T,; tiiati.tliat ef being, on every occafion, the fupport of good, -the ecftfrov;! ■ cf
bad government, and the guardian of piiblie liberty*

■ Wh-es £ coiifider the willingnefs and alacrity with which the people reiign the
gre^icit part of the fruits of their labour, for the eafe and luxury of 'their Gover-^
nors ;• for vvhich they expeft, in return, proteclioa to their peifuns, and fccurity ia-
the free uis of the remaining pittance ; I am iired v/ith indignation at the ingratitude
arid wickedaefs of thcvfe, wiio, envyi,^g thcra the free enjoyment even of that pittance,"
would urge {hem ftill further, endeavour arbitrarily to extort from them the iafi: fat^.,
thing, 'snd: hare th.eir perfons at devotioBj who would put faddles upon the backs, and,
bridles in the mouths of the ve/i of the- community, that they thenif«2kes mi-^ht fecure-.
ly fpur and goad them, as the wantonnefs of vice, the infatiability of atari°e, or the
atrocioufnefs of cruelty may fugged:. Thefe are the views of tyrants and their n:.i- .
njons, ihcfe were the views of him who devifed the Stamp- Aa for America, and the
rdii of thofe afls, of which we are now complaining. "We have ever contributed both
ia rnen and money, with the utmoft of our abilities, to the fupport of government ; ■
hut v/e have dojie it conftitutio7ially, by cur o'wn confent, given 'in qwt fever ai aJJ'sm---
hiies to the reqniJitioMs of our Sovereign ; what then do thefe new a6is aim at, biit t]:e
cKtorring from us, as Jlavcs, the remainder ef that which we gave, as freejnev ? TV-i
abGii;';:i;ng, or what is the l-ime, the rendering our AiTemblies nugatory and ufelefs, by
vefring the difpofal of our property, and the arbitration of our liberty, and the dlfpefl-
f-rtion of JLifcice, in a Erltifl^VAvw^x^x, -And JJrilJfJy Parliament. Vhi^-t we may be
reined and fpurred at will, that pur pLOperties,. our lives, and eyciy thin.f^ that is dear
a-sl facred among men, may be at the abfoiute difpofal of thofe, who, inftead of be-
in-g under any controul from us, under any necefiity to treat us witli tcndernefs and
pT:udence, will have al! the incitements that can urge men, inikmed by power, Killed,
by fo?ly,' and I'Hmulated by ambition, to exhaufl-us v/ith abfurd or contiD-al exac^dcns,
ar»d fmk us down with mercilefs and unremitting oppreiTions.

.Is any imigLnation eapable of conceiving a people-Biore abfoiute, n',cre abjeft ilaves,
than v/heri the^^ are taxed, not only without their confent, but dir-e^ly contrary 'to
thcrr expreft'vv'in ? Yet" this mufi: be the frd^-'c'i'xlic^ Amer:ca;is, if tasedi by the Bri-
f(/??' Parliament, when they chufe reprefentatives' for that purpofe. 7'he very idea of
it js abfurd, is raanftrons, big y/ith iniquity, ftupidity, and evil; nor is it wonderfu],
that n-vorc than an hundred years fiiould liave paiTe'd "avv'sy, before 'the ir.an was bcrn
who could devife fo' vile a complication' of tyranny 'Jirld folly,

T.^E attempt of anj Minifter, tg take fvonrVgVrve righ-t of giving eurncney by cnr .-,
o:vT\ consent, (of which, from long experience V/e fcbv/'tlie Value,' and how eiTential"
it is to our freedom) t-oannij-iikte our -own repVeTe^tatlve, and cci-(^■tute. an urJimited
authority over us, deferves farely.no bet,ter treatnient, than that of beirg branded as
tyrariijons Tord'fobiri'h. Taxhig us aga'tvft our exprefs iviil^'-h adding infuit to bppref-
fiot) .; aoxhgil ijjithout our CQJifent, is taking frtem us at es^'ee all our property, Fcr
wHat property can I have in that, which another may take froni me, rightfully, with-
out my confent ? *' To tax mc, without confgnt, is iittk .better, if at all, than down-

B2 The M O N I T O R.

right robbing me. I am fure the great patriots of liberty and property, the free pecpla
oi England cannot think of Inch a thing out with abhorrence *,"

There are lonne wlio think, they fully juftity this oppreffion on tlie Avicr-cans^ by
faying, there are great numbers of people in dreai Bi ituiti, who nLVcr vote lor a re-
prefeiitative, 3'Ct are taxed by the /;//V//?? Parliament, This, as fopl.idry olten does,
feems to carry weight with it ; but it is a mere petitio pr'mcipio, a btgging the quelhon.
Wc are not cofiicmiing that our rabble, or all unqualified perJo?is, /h.iii Ijave the right
of voting, or not be taxed ; but that the freeholders and ele^lors, v/nofe right accrues
to them from the common law, or from charter, fl'iail not be deprived of chat right ;
and, let any man fhew me one indance in Great Britain, where a man, fo qualified,
(toes not vote for a reprefentalive i fs it not then mod pitiiu!, moft deteliabie lophiii^rj-,
to tell us, that becaufe there are a number of people in Great-Britain, who are, by
the confHtution, unqualified to vote for a reprefentative, and yet are taxed, therefore;
all the people in Arnerica, who are qualified, ihall be treated in the lame manner ?
This is truly Grenvillian reafoning, a confuhon of abfurdity and injultice, too flagrant
to be extenuated, too grofs to admit of exaggeration. When iuch arguments are
ufed, to juftify the ufurpation of our liberties, it is furely time for the people of Ej^g-
iand to be alarmed, left, when tyranny, which, from its nature, knows no bounds, be-
comes unfatiatcd with defpotic rule in /hiierica, the fame argument ihouid be turned
upon them, and an arbitrary Minilter fhould fay, that, as or.c third of t!:e people cfY^xv'
tain have been long taxed, nxiithout their-confent, it can be no injury cr injnfiice to re-
duce the reft to the fame condition. And, certainly, the having enflaved yimerica,
under the fhadow of fuch reafoning, will be no feeble precedents for trying its efficacy
in Great-Britain. It is true, nothing hv^x. force \J\\\ ever accommodate it to our ccm-
prehenfions here ; and a ftanding ar7ny, artfully increafed, or maintained in America,
may one day give it the fame weight there. Certain it is, that the BrifiJJ? grandeur
find conflitution, ftands or falls with us ; we are her natural and neceffary iupport, and
•when we fall, it niuft be like the ftrong man, embracing the pillars of her conllitntion,
and its ruins will follow us.

Some of my countrymen feem to think, that as we are weak, we fliould be filent ;
and endeavour, by manufaduring for ourfelves, to convince Great-Britain of our im-
portance to her profperity ; and therefore induce her to treat us with more tenderncfs,
juftice and refpeft.

But they muft pardon me, for differing with them ; for, though I am well fatisfied
that we might fupply ourfelves with raanufadures, and thereby give a very fenfibje

wound

* Thcfe are the words of an able politician and generous patriot, Mr. Molynsu^, in his
defence of Ireland, againft its being bound by a<51s of the BritiJ)} Pailiament ; and it is
worth remarking, that an anfwer written to it, and dedicated to the Lord Chancellor So-
vners, difclaims the right of taxing Ireland, but maintains the juftice of a fupremc jurif-
diftion ; it is therefore piobable that this was the opinion of my Loid Soviers ; indeed the
idea of taxing without confent is too monftrous ever to have entered the head of any one
but an abandoned tyrant. With refped to America, this remained to be the chef d'o^inre
of Mr. Grcnville,

wound to the iva.d3'o%\Brhatn', yst thlris but "an' ftiadeq-utite i^ethaff' ^F'vlnsdicatii^
•vouc r>jg:iit*,(^Oiir;:¥ie\v ihoaid p^e' to //-e^ ail IJJ? duT' cbriflhui'ton i nor' t?o n-njht^ 'O^ \vi%»-
-rel with the people of Brit^n/i -.'And- \A\Qn l liave adviled th'e forirtiflg fi}lccirtt.)on3 for

the encouragqment of manur'aclijres, it vv-as chfeflyiv/i^h this intentioo,' tiaat if tht; ineo^-

orabie feveiity of Bi-itajn jliouid refute' us redi-Vfs, Av'e might' net be abiolntely depcn-
;iJent upon her for the necJerfanes of life.' The Vorid of u hi on M&iiWtc.n^Great-BrifiilH
:-_Ani_<{:'h\'r:t:,ay ^is f^tfpijl fr'om^u^ • fhcftiid :t*/e nd-kji-ig^ir ccrtiniit

^tftiCuppiy. h^-5 with vaw .materials, and conflime 'her 'mariti'f^1;ui%s, tha\ «ii<.:;:n.:v/ou)d te
^difl^ived. ^ I_thf.rt;fore..cauno_t thui.k.' thisijT'ethbd ar[6gether''el!'g?ble, -n^eiyher do ii corti-

ceive: it adequate. For, ta what* pur polp fliallwd^faYe money,- Whicb'Otii^ris may take
--away at, pleafure.? '_. . ; ' "' '; '.' '"' '' '' ' ('■:"'':''•.><::-' : .

,*. The Farmer has already, in his very ufefal letter's, dev'^loped, with great fagacitt/-,
•the ddigns and tendency _^Qf the late aft 'Conterning Jf^ierfca'i 'and he has, \vifh equal
;perfpicuit.y, and political learn'ing, warned us of their cdnfequehcesi, and exhorted u^
jigaipft permitting \encroachmeht,s-whTch,lV6v^'eVeF-^ will foon be dra\\^ '

-into precedents for the mjfl dAnJg^roiiS'^iid'op'preffivejnvafibniiof Liberty; ' Suffer me
-to add my /^eble-voice^to bis, and e-:>hqrt j'ou' to'flipp're'fi' the'difeafe in its. infancy'
.left it arrive to a degree of viol-nce, 'dahg5f6us-~iji' its 'effecls^''afid 'uncertain ia its re-
-medy. :;,,,;■-, . .' ^ , -f ':,\ v^^V... 3-;' V>i.i^^" ' " • ' ';'/^i^''-\"'-''^ '- •:.:!;:::. r .. .
--.It is ^aTy tp-.iliew,. t^'ai.lh^\rlgi^"t affi;irn'^3-'^y atiy'BM '6t5 th'e*'th*ee~'a<as<:of iPai-Ka-
^Ktent, already fpe.cilied, if given 'up,~ Would Be~ fitfhci^iit''t-6' enftiiVe us.' > "As tlva •irli]u-
-.e}lce of money and "places, geoei'^jlly procures to the iSfihift^r a majoisity' in'"Bariikraervf>
40-, the conduct even of ij/i///',^ affairs, it will certainly be "feenre'in-tHo(<2'^? y-Z/A/dV-A"^.
^Th is right may-therefoxe be confidercd, as /// f'^eCrc'v;/ and its' MlniJi-erS^^ '■■^•, .
•: ;Xet us fuppofe, then, that the Mini (ler pofieffed the Hght alo"h6of fortiiin'g'^ reve~
flue by duties, upon goods imported from Ci'eat-BriJ'ain ',' What v7ould. be the cocfe-
qu.en^e.? Either -that we mult ceafe to take any goods whatever front' j5r7/^/Wy and
therefore difl'olve the union Ijetwee'h us; ov,tIieMimfl:er would- have- it Irt his power
jo-raife-mon^y upon us .at pleafure. jOur Affembiies wonid then bb-of -no- ufe^ Iwg
i]iGu}.d have no reitraint upon the Cro\\;m/ri6'ttietlVo"d'6F'ingh'lti^ v;ix]rbur

^oy«reign, by granting him aids;"th£ Cfdwhwbdfd have obtained' a, pert)etu-aJre\'-enae
from us, v.'hica the Commons o'f /)'r//^/;i ktio^v^wtiiirii be fo jnjuri(5:US -to their kbe-rties,
^iat they have ever, guarded againft itvvjth unrernhting vigilance. Urxler the irifiuence
ff fucb aright, we fliould experierice the fate' of the Kbv'iah p'eaple, in the "deplo-
j^abje times of theif*flavefy, and"b'e'"fie'ei:t^d"b'5^e\'dry e'xaftioR •v4u'fh tteiisgenyity -of
^ax -gatherers cp^uld.devife * ; and we fliould, like that miferable people, pay tributes.

^Ua e^aBlonihus Uiiultis.ficpiina puhlicanii/Keji^ ,'''"■.-■ ^- ""C '_ ^s.-jt ^;! ,- •.,-,'■ _ -;,

' -t^ Sub imperatorihiu .veciigali,a, non Je'ie ac ratioheyjed 'B'hftthlU'^'tnmr^WU'nr^prC*: ■
fcferunt. Billing de trib : ^t ve^'ig : P'. E',^ ' •",•/: uu.v hti,}^- f.^nc i.iu.'fsj an ; ic

'iV.'>;fi'5-''> ^^Ji/<. 't(s

^4

The monitor.

But If we portefTed, as we ought, the right of granting money for a revenue, by
t)ur own AiTtmblics only ; ar.d the Minifter had either ihxXQf fupl:oiti?}ga?id ouaricrirfg
troops upon us at 'will, or oi fuf pending our legijlaiiire at his pieafure, we fhould, in
the lame manner, be reduced to flavtiry ; for, unlefs our elections are free, they are
tifclefs ; and, how eafy it would be for a Minifter to force and form them to his own
purpofes, with troops at his devotion, is felf evident. The Parliament of Britain has
iberefore taken care to ena(fl that no troops fha!l ever be near the places of their elec-
li6n. In a fimilar manner, would the fufpending power operate to force the voice of
the reprefentative body, tho' freely chofen, fo that the Crown and its Mirjifler, would,
by this fmgle right, be arbitrary in jhnericn. It is fuch a power as this, that renders
the Parliament of France ufelefs to the people, and enables their Monarch to rule
without controul. In fhort, freedom in eledting our members, who fliall, with a fiee
Voice, give our confent to the taxes laid upon us, is an indifpenfable reqnifite to the pie-
fervation of cur liberty ; it is the effence of our confticuiion, and every attempt to vi-
olate it, is dangerous and alarming.

We, therefore, my countrymen, mud never ceafe to remonflrate againfl: every fiich
attempt ; and to claim oar rights without fear or interraillion ; we mult imitate the il-
luftrious example of the Uritiflo Barons, in their

Noluvius leges Anglice mutari.

We will not have the conftitution chang'd.

NUMBER

The legiflative power muft' not ralfe taxes on the property of the people, without
the confent of the people, given by themfelves, or their deputies."

Locke on Government, chap. xi.

'R. LOCKE, one of the cleareft reafoners the world has yet feen, and who feems
firft to have taught men precificn in thinking, has, in the words above, laid
down, clearly and explicitly, the principle of freedom in the BritiJJ? conftitution ;
taxation by reprsfentalion only. Tliis effential right, inherent, unalienably inherent,
in the people, or their reprefentative, is wrefted from us by the late ads, and, to fliew
how abfolute the flavery is, to which we muft fubmit, the tax is perpetual, and the
Iproduce of it is to be remitted home, there to be difpofed of by the Croivn, ivithout
any controul from the people, by ivhom it is paid, or by their reprefentative.

Our property, thus taken from us, ^without our co?ifent, nay, contrary to our ex-
frefs will; for evsr too, and jTubmitted to the xunountnuled difpofal q£ the Cro'vj;?, or

its

The M O N I T O R. 85

i\.% PdhsJjicr ; what further aggravation can be added? What injury, what indignity^,
more ? The nieafure of fiavery (as far as money is concerned) is now full ; and there
v/ants the humble acqniefcence only of thcfe colonies, to pour its bitiernefs i;pon us,
without mercy, and without end.

The right of the nprefsntative of the people, to enquire into the manner in which
the taxes ralfed by them on their confiitucnts have been difpofed of by the executive
part of government, that is, by the Crown, or its I>lini(ler, is alfo eflential to liberty
and good government. Without this right, taxes would more frequently ferve to make
Minillers v.'ich.ed, tind enable them to vitiate and corrupt the government, than they
would anfwer the purpofes for v;hich they were raifed. The reprefcntative of the peo-
ple of Cvsat-Britain, do pojfefs this important privilege • and, why the colonies are
not to poiTifs it, can only be, becaufe thsy arc not to be free.

I SHALL nov/ lay before my countrymen, thofe parts of the aft, for laying duties-
en the goods ive confu/ne, which demonfcrate the plenitude of that power afierted over
us.

We, 3'our INIajeuy's mofl dutiful fubjefts, the ConnnoJis of Great-Britain, have re-
folved to give and grant unto your Majefty, the feveral rates and duties herein after
mentioned ; and do molt humbly befeech your Majefty, that it may be enaded, and be
it enacted, ijc. that from and after the twentieth day of November, 1767, there faall
be raifed, levied, collevfted, and paid, unto his Majefty, his heirs and fuccejj'ors, for,
and upon the refpedive goods herein after mentioned, which fliall be imported from
Great- Britain, into any colony or plantation in America, v/hich now is, or liereafter
may be, under the dominion of his Majefty, his heirs, or fucceficis, the feveral rates
and duties following, <^c. <bc. And be it further enaded by the authority aforefaid,
that his Mjjefiy, and his fuccejfors, fliall be, and are hereby empowered, from time
to time, by any warrant, or v/arrants, under his, or their royal lign manual, or figa
manuals, counterfigned by the high treafurer, or any three or more of the commifli-
oners of the treafury, for the time being, to caufe fuch monies to be applied, out of
the produce of the duties granted by this aft, as his Majefty, or his fuccelTors, faali
think proper or necefiary, tor the defraying the charges of the adminiftiation of juftice,
and the fupport of the civil government, within all, or any of the ftiid colonies or
plantations.

The injuries and oppreffions with which this aft alone is fraught, are manifeft from a
bare recital of thefe parts. Has not the adminiftration of government been always fuffi-
ciently provided for by the colonies themfelves, in a conftitutional manner : Where
then was the propriety of invading our rights, and innovating upon the cotiflitution
for this purpofe ? Have Vv'e given any late inftances of fuch folly or ftupidity, that it
might be juftly concluded, we could not difcern the exigencies of government ; or,
difcerning, would not have capacity or inclmation to anfwer them ? I think, 1 may
fafely defy the framers and abettors of thefe afts, to prove this upon us. Why their
are we deprived of that check, which we had upon government, arifiug from that ri^hc >
Surely, for no other reafon, but becaufe ivf are no longer to be free,

Ths

.m;;V . . tiiE m-o:n I t,o r.

's itj/at z\A VI .;^>5V,

■ ' Thb aarocate^ far.,:tiii<.aa^s(wa6 happHy .are mdeed but veryTstv) fa^p&H *r'\>pbft this
. -brlncipl?;, that the Parliamentaws a:ri'ght 'to lay duties, upon her ti\t'n^tiianula<EVnfts.

The li)b'c?rfuges' of fophiftry and iniuftjce, . are as endlefs' as they ii-^; fuffle-.- Let tbele
. Gentlemen ih'ew mq Svhere an Wpon duty on Bntiji? cammod\Uci' \v as- cVtrUid by

e

bv the
t^encjemen inew niq wucit du ij.iijjuil m^^j «.. ^,..y.. — .„...-. _ - j

i?;v7/A^ Parhamcnt .on. any other people, but, the >/;//^r/6W/j. ' 1 et unlefs tht-y ean

do this the in(>ance is inapplicable. Bin wliat Avoiild'the 6p.-^;/Vrfl'x-t^ihkv nVere -the

ParlianiJ^t„,of ^ry/.W;i :tOuMy' "J"^3'"4 W^r,'^"?"!^^^ '*' ' ./^it^^ 'I^^^^J'^^' '^^
.,mtQ-5'y^W'?.> iy^a.for t^e,^purppfe,o,f';arevenu6;^id_^%

iSW '^ Gentlemen chufe^ ttf forget tlie purpofes of this s&rvjhtn they findt^rtr.'ke
to iufiify-if iut they will prelcntly h.ar ' of'tlMhef porpofes- in it;, Ihll mt^re
aHhovrent from our rights. In the mean time, 1 think; a wife fnend to^^rc-^?-
Bn^ah', would not be, foj-ward in elhbliflVing this prattice of a nation's laymg what
duties (he pleafed' even onjie'rlown e-xports ; fince, under the ftadow of this right, the
^w-^^',and'lhe i>^/<^-n3ight raife intolerable exaftionsort' Greal^Britanr, for their hemp
•■'','■• :: "._ uV^u /i,„ -„,Vn."^;ri;Lr ro'Kn-.;'v ^ 'Ar'thp' /?r77';)?V fl-e'"eP\voiird be re£id6red uf^-

i. His act isiiiiu uciciuAcu ufjuii Jl^/Jtl..l.,u^-
'-4'/;-<^■wine, and .w.e havcfubmitted tdit,.' ..-.-.-- , . r
nature of right ? Can it cliaoge the ,et-eTnal- laws pf jufhcc i: e?.n precedent fupport
that, whiqh judice abandons ?, It is true, precedent; oi- long ufage, give-a lurtd of ve-
' neratioa to.whatis rigb't, .and. makes it. more forcible; nor becaufe ifis more ju{l,-but
Wcaufe its,.utiray.- .alfo-'may/ be jualyin-terred- from ' its antVqmty : Bnt never can it
make that. right ^wiiich is in its.hattire wroha, or vindicrate'injWKce from^impeachnieht.
Look backinto the £/2^^///'7/l^[lory,' and you. wiirfind that 6tety right offi^eedom thht
people poflefles, hasbeea occarionally violated-;, and' Ihali it be • therefore pJead^di en
precedent, that they have no rights ? This would, indeed be theplea^oFM'— f-— d

'andG -V- le, to Xaqdify the defpotlfrii they are executing -over ^;7wvc-i • and

meditating over Briiqin' It has'- already been embraced by the aVtfuFMr.- M^wd-; in
vindicating the.' tyrann^ of the. ~M»arls^ ^rbni -the ;f>g^robmilh' it •defervdd-. ■ K^, b«-
caufc the reifrns of , the r«^^";vlarhifbed many prec/dfenV's;, fer arbitr.'iry §o-.vef, ea«ti6nG
:.us in the nfpll friendly manner agjwnft.'the ufetefs- duriofity=^of ^lootifig .fey-'ftirther
Xack into' our. hillory, hnce it is covered with darkA'efs, kild in toh^ed'm-. perplexity ; fo
'our precedent friends, will difTuade .us, from looking fafther back than tire flicttpenod,
^mce a duty was laid on Madeira vAx^t, or the right, of faxliig the' coldmes d-eclared.
Rut the learning and' patriotifm oT'Dr. 'Hi»-d have ' amp'y vindicated the^ liberties of
Britain, againl the ifnefie of Mr. //«;..; Imd, I hope, the FARMER'S LETTERS
will for ever gi;ai-d'bs'again{1r the baleful itts of-"the(e linilJeT ffiehds. I cannot quit
'this nibjea of prepedent, 'Without; pre^iiiiH&'rny rfe^er -^hth-ih^; foitiMetits-^f that

* Thev have alrendv attempted to lender the articles we iriuftTave rr6m''t'hem,'more
expenlive to us, by ieis adequate means, than that of laymg what duties they pieaie
oa their exports.

Thf. M O N I T O R. B7

■mor: upright judge, and illuflricus defender cz''5/v/.^'?; and .^''7;;^';-/.-.:- liberties, m}'Lcrd
Camden^ m his letter en general warrants, e^r. " But even, if the ulage had been
both imraemoriai and uniform, and ten thouLnd limilar .warrants could have been pro-
duced. It would Tiot have been fufEcient ; becaui'e, the practice nitiU Lktwife be a-
greaable to the principles of law, in order to be good ; whereas, this is a pradice in-
CGnfiftent with, and in direct oppcfition to the jirlt and dearest principles cf law. Im-
r/iemoiial uniform ufage will not even fupport the bye-law of a corpcration, if it bs
fi.itly repugnant to the fundamentals of the common lav/ j much lefs will it authorize the
fecret pradice of a political office."

Tur, preamble of this act, for laying duties, i:c. declares It expedient ^^So, that a
revenue ftiou'd be thus raifed on us, " towards defrayirg the txperces of defending,
proted'tiog, and fectiring thefe dominions."

Nov;, 1 fiiould be giad to know, in what we are to be defended, protedled and fecu-
red ; not in cur liberty and property, without queHion, fur this act takes them both
away frcin us, and when we are deprived of the poffeilions we thought our cv;n, of the
freedom v/e imagined v/as our rJ^^ht, what v/i!l then remain a vv'ortl^y oLje6b of invaf ca
from others, or protedion to us ? But, to be more particular on tliis fjbjed of pvotcc-
tion. Thefe colonies have two enemies, the Freiieh and Indta7is, T'he Frefic') are
their political enemies, in confequence of their con;-ieciion Vv'ith Creat-Bniai;:, anJ tiie
fupport thay furnifli to Britai?it enabling her to rival FraKce, and baitle the ambitious
views nf t.hat monarchy. What are we jiafily to expe{l from Brilaip. for this fuppcrt ?
PR.OTECTION from the French; and thus 1: is, as I hare before obierved,
that the bonds of union between Great-Briia:n^ and h-er colonies, are, fupport from
u-i. proreftion from hero There are {ova^ people v.ho cannot fee hovv' we fupport
Great-Britain ; yet nothing is more obvious, notiiing more eafiiy comprehended. It is
but to reflect a raoment on the number of fliips and feamen the trade to the colonies fun«
ports, the manufa<5turers they maintain, and 'die tixes they pay in the confumptlon of Brir-
. tiJJj manufactures , The Tobacco trade, alone, m.ay be computed to maintain vpwarc's
ef 4000 feamen*, and 250 fail of fhips annually; and the very great value of the whol«
plantation trade, may be eafiiy judged from the veneration which is paid in Briia:n to the
a;^ of navigation which fecures that trade to her. It is fpeaking greatly within bounds,
to iiJ'J , there are 100,000 manufatfrurers in Greai-Britain, who dravv' their daily fubfif-
tence from America ; and, I am much miftakeo, if the oDlonies do not aclaally pay,
half a miHion, at leall, cf the taxes in Great-Erii^iu. The manner in which thev
pay it, is plain; the flioes I now have 00, v/cre made in England; the grazier, or
butcher, who fold the raw hide, paid the land tax, and was reimburfed by tlie tanner,
with iatereft ; in like manner, the tanner v/.ls repaid by the ihoemaker, for tliat, and

Z every

* If I miflake not, it is computed in a very fenfible pamphlet, written in A7ncrica, du-
ling the ajv-tation of. the Stamp- AS} ^ that the tob^.cco trade employed of Briiijh feamen,
4500, thi fugar trade, 3600, the Nevjfcundland iii't-iSfy, 4000. In this view alc^e, ^iW-
/7V^_ would be a very important nurfery iov Briiijb feauien, and we v.' ell knov/ her pio-v
iperhy dcpentis on them.

m Tke , M O, NI T O R-.

ev^ery oiher tax ,\vh'rh he might .pay, window-lights, ^'c. local or general ; and this
I rerund to the fhoemaker, wivh interelt upop it, and all his taxes., beildes the laxes of
the merchant, aiid all oihars, Vcho are.necefl'ary to my obtaining the manufafcure I
want ; all thefe charges muft be,, and lare always accumulated on the price, the confu-
nier muft at length pay for the commodity *.

Protection from the attacks of our European enemies, is juftly due to us on the
part of ^r/V-fl^i;? ,•^..and, from the Indians, I humbly apprehend, we can defend our-
feJveSi It is net probable, the whole force which the Indians could poflibly bring a-
gainft us, would amount (were all- the nations we know, combined, which is hardly
poffible) tO\30jOCO fighting men ; our Militiaj on the continent, amounts to more than

roOa,ooo., J -AYe efteelually maintained 'a^^-coo troops, during the laft v.ar: Is it then
to be prefumed VvC are not able to defend ourfelves againCt the Indians ? Is it prefume-
able we fhall not always be able to defend ourfelves againfl: them, when it ia certain
they decreafe, and, on the contrary, we increafe, fo as to double our number in 25 years.
This aft would indeed render fuch proteiStion necefiary, becaufe it would make us fiavcs j
and the fl:ate of flavery, is that of weaknefs. To fuppofe we want protection from the
Indians, is to imagine we have greatly indeed degenerated from -the fpirit of cur fore-
fathers ; who, 'wlhen not a tenth of our number, not only defended themfelves from
them, but drove them as far back as they pleafed. Have we not, with eale, defended
ourfelves againfi: them for upwards of 100 years, and what inftance has this period fur-
niflied of fuch national degeneracy, that we may be fuppofed incapable of continuing
this defence ? The fuppoGtion of fuch incapacity, is an infult that hardly has an equal,
except it be that of importing a few HeJJiaTi and Hanoverian mercenaries, to defend
Grcat-Britai'/i from the invafions of the French.

■ 'rHfAvi' marked a fingle word in the preamble of this aft, which points out a very;
alarming purpofe of this tax, in its being raifed for the ufe of all, or any of the colo-
nics. It'is but too plain, that we are taxed in this iinconjiittifional m^nntr, to fupport
the unfertile dominion of Florida, and the conquered province of Canada. By the
cuftom-lfoufe accounts in the year 1766, Canada produced 22, coo pounds yearly ;
Florida nothing. They are maintained at half a million annual expence to Britain .-
They were conq.uered and fecured by our united endeavours, with thofe of the BritiJJy
troops, in which we furnifhed a large quota of troops, and fuffered heavy taxes. They
never can be of any advantage to us, but may be eventually injurious, by rendering
our produce lefs valuable. Yet, we are to pay for their fupport and proteftion : We
are to maintain a fmall array" of Britijh troops in them, not only for their fecurity, but
to enforce, occafionally, upon ourfelves, any oppreffive meafures, which an arbitrary or
fgnorant Minilter, fhall wickedly devife, and obflinately purfue. In this miferable ftate,
we may have the poor comfort, perhaps, of murmuring out, like the wretched Romans,

in

* Mr, Gee, therefore with great propriety, fays, " Tf we examine into the circumf!:ances
of the inhabitants ot the plantations, and our own, it .will appeal that not one fourth ok
the produce redouads to their own profit. On Trade,

The M O N I T O R. ^t

In the-tln'.:3 of their flar:ry, when grievoufly taxed by their Empercrs, to bjih^th^:
Barbaria7is from invading the I'emote provinces,

Faftn efl fervitus noftra, pretitun fecurltath aliers !

Oar fi.ivery is to provide for the lecurity of others.

P, S. I did i-ntiiid to fay fomethlng particular about cur petition to Ms McjcJJy ;

hut, as that is in a fair rxjay of being conjiclered in its proper place, the Ii of

B — g — /, it •would be nnneceffaiy : I ivill-, homjever, heg leave to mention one thing,
that fiyould he prayed for, fiauiely, that his Majefy 'vjouldhe gracioufy plcafed, al'Vjays
to 'withhold his' afent to any bill, in ivhich 'we are concerned, till 'we arc apprized of it,
andean lay our fenfe of it at his feet. This, tberemotenefsofozirjiiuation, renders jvff
a7id neceffary.

N U M B-E^-R

Nil fine mapno

Vita lab ore dedit jnortalibus.

Every purluit in life requires induitry,

O to the ant, thou fluggard, and learn her ways, faith the xvifdom of Solomon j
and never was there any people, or any time, in which fuch a leflbn was more
neceflary, more beneficial,. This is the period, in which onr happinefs, our liberties,
depend in a great mea'ure, on our induftry in manufafturing for ourfelves the neceflaries
of life. So far, the firft of all charities*, the prefervation of our country danands ;
that we may not be under a dangerous and flavifh dependence on any other people. To
urge manufactures further at prefent, with a view of diftrefiing 6'r<?^/-i!^r/V<a'//z, more
than is abfolutely requifite to our own welfare, is what I do not wifa to fee ; it is ab-
horrent totally from my heart, and I hope from thofe of all my countrymen. I love,
I revere, Great-Britain, her hiftory is the illuftrious record of herof-S and patriots ;
her clifts are the venerable ramparts of freedom. Never did any people fo long pre-
ferve fuch an uniform charadler for bravery, wifdom, and virtue ; and above all fur an
invincible fpirit of liberty. Ne%'er did any people better deferve the bleffjngs fne'
beftows. Who then could behold without concern, without the deepef} concern, this
glorious bulwark of civil and religious liberties, crumbled into duff, by the unrelenting

aver-

* /;; ipfa atitevi coiirnunitate, funt gradus ofjiciorum, e>: qiubus' q'^d'chi^Ueprteflatf
intelligi pojlt ; tit prima dis im77i<irtalibui , feainda patri.v, tertia parentibus, deince'^'t
gradatii7i reliquis dsbca/itur, CICERO,

90

The M O N I T O R.

averfion of her colonics. For fiire I am, that it is In the power cf thcfc colonies, to
work the £ill cf Britain, by unremitting indulciy \fi manufuiTlures ; I ar.i fciva, upon
the niatureit reflcccionj (he is fu dependent on Avterica for fqii-ct, ihat without ir,
flie niuii ipeedlly fink, with all her blnfliing honours inio ruin. The balance of trade
is ugainfl her in Europe i America and hidla, reimburfe and fuftain, her; but witiiout
:h2 fjr:ner, the latter would be very unequal te her fapport. \Viih the poHiical, as
well a^ ihv- natural body, the feeds of inevitable dilToiution, are irccrpcrated ; bravery,
foiiqoclt, riches, luxury, anarchy, ruin -, beliold the fated ccuife, which the btft con-
ili:uted governments mud runf . To this fate, Britain herfclf, great, glorious, njighry
as file is, mull: comet : Periilx the kindred hand that would waatonly prtcipitate her fall ,'
Thif part'of i?r///.'7y liberty, which weliave hAtherto enjoyed, has been fuirlcient to m?J:e
MS, though fubordinate, a fiouriihing and happy people) let U3 wait with pious patience,
tiii this courfe cf nature fliail gently relieve us 'from this fubordiriation, and befiow upon
Aj.'icrica, that full inheritance of liberty, v/hich is her birthright indeed, but which, as tiie
vcur.,'^er branch, file cannot yet claim without impious vio'eiice, Ee it our care to vir.-
dicatc our juil: rights, to pay that due reverence to the j?,-;///,? co.nfiiiution of prifcrving
it here in its fundainestal rights, at lealt {taxation by reprefentation, tri?.l by jury, and
habeas corpui) inviolite, that Britain may rife, like a p!:c2rf:x from her afnes, to liberty
and glory in Avierlca, Liikn not, my dear countrymen, to thcfe who would incite
you (if there be any fuch) to relinqniili your connedicn-v.'ith Great-Britain, No wound
can beSnSi.fted on her, at which our ov/n blood will not ilTue, a thoufand tendereil:
iirings of our hearts will be on the rack, v/hcn we are diiTevered fVcra hir, and the
violence will make v.s bised at every pore. Jud, amiable, generous and biave, as the
people of Britain -are, notliing would mov«; me to any- conteli with them, but that great
caufe, to which every other intered mull: yield fubordinate, the taufe of liheriy.

Let me now take leave to propofe the following form cf afibciatioii for the encou-
ragement of American inanufaftures.

IVs the unismiiritten do agree, and jVlemnly proviife io prefer on every cccjjijn, tie
maniifadures i?/ America, 4o iijofe of every other country ; and to pro7?2cte ixjiih the ut-
inoji of our abilities^ American maniifaP.ures, fo fur as to furniflj ciirfelves "xilh the
■ heeejjarifs of life.

The beneticial infiuence of afTocia-tions, and infiitutions cf the flmie kind, on the
^^rogrefs of nianufaflures, has been too often experienced to be ncv/ queilioned. The
iinen hall at DahUn, and wife regulations attentively parfaed, have b:o+ight the linen

manu-

f Les conquetes avoient engertdre le !u-<e, <b ee luxe efl fcttj ours Pavani coureur de la.
chute des empires. Valeur, conquetes, tii-.-.e., anarchie, zolla le cercle fatal, 6" les diffe-
rtfij periodes de la vie politique de prefque tons les etcitj.

J^jyarre de Cyras, />. 3.

J As all iiuraan things have an end, the ftate we are fpeaking of f Enjiand ) will lofe

its liberty, will peiiili ; have rsox. Ro?ne, Sparta, ?i.ud Cartha.ie pVriilitfd : It will peiiih,

wiaen tiie tegi'ialive pou'cr IhalJ become mure corrupt than th--; cxecutivo.

MONTESQLTT£u^

Thk M O'.N I T O R. fi

manufa(5ture in Ireland,' to a ftate as flourifeing as it is beneficial. The board for the
impfrovenient, of fiflleries and manufadures in Scotlaml, conltituted in the y>.ar J727,
aided by a national fpiiit, in \vhich We are raiher too deficient, have brought the manu-
fadture of linen there, in A fe\v years, to great perfedion. " They" fays an approved
writer* on bleaching, " have with unwearied and difinterefted ztal, couttibuted in a
very great meafure to raife and dired a fpirit of induilry among us, by their own exam-
ple:, by their experience, by adopting the experience of our neif'jibours, and by d;ftri-
buting with great prudence, thpfe fmall funds, intruded, by :the gpyej-nmem, for their
management." ''y\^s <'■ - -f' i-uv/.v. . ,•,.»■. i.;dj o r ,-j-iirjt i];>n ?J05ff?ri-3-Li ..,-.; _; ■

Have not we,'in this 'coioii^y'' a- e<)mmitte^^^ f&me'^"' pwrpofe ? WlVat pre-

vents their imitating this laudable example? The ^fupplying ourfelves with linen,
would be highly advantageous to us, without interfering with the manufaduies
of Great-Britain; nay, we might make it a part of our export, in return for thofe
commodities we may receive from her. This would fave her a large balance, paid to
foreigners^ for their linen. If my memory does not fail me; a compuuuion I received
from one of the comrnTfTibners of the lineH company vn Scotland, made Britain: debtor
for much-more than half of what fhe. confun^d, and.Mr.6Vd-, makes the balance of
trade with Germany, Flanders, and Ruffia, for- this article, to amount to near one mil-
lion annually againfl: Britain. We have therefore an ample field before, us, to animate
and reward our induftry, in purfuing this fingle branch of manufadfures.

There are many people, who fecm to think the attempt of manufaduring, even
neceffaries for ourfelves, too arduous to be fuccefsful. But certainly, thty whofe in-
citements are great,- will overcome difficulties, which to the unanimated, appear infur-
moimtablfe. And can there be greater incitements, than the vindicating our lihertiesj,
and maintaining a juft independence of grinding extortion, and arbitrary impoutions? '
Were we once determined upon the attempt, all dif&culties would vanifh ; foj; what Is
there too laborious to be accompliflied by the foffering care and wifdcm of the leg:f-
lature, by a judicious diflribution of public and private bounties,, by giving attenrjon -^nd.
encouragement to every uf^ful projed, by wifdom in planning, by induflry, unanunity,
and fpirit in execution ? The example of the Gentlemen w.ill indcudf and encourage tjie
poor ; and afTociations for the ufe of American matiufadures, will hold up, to thfpi a
fui^e reward for their indijftry arid lalbour... Thefe colonies,, Ii,ke;;ail; youtig couot/ies,
abound iii children ; every ihdividual of which may,, f-raiB, the time, they are ablo to
move their liands or feet, be employed in manufaftwre? of,, -^-arious kinds. One may fee
in the manufadories of England, the young the de'crapid, and the old people per-
forming tafl<s proportioned to thur abilities, with great utility. In the Foundling Hof-
pital, every femal? child is feen knitting,' fewing, or fpinning ; every m.ale a.t.tlieJvom,
or fome other ufeful occupatidti; Ip tfiisCblony, v/e have numbers of Ivjegro children,.-
and fupcrannuated -field Negroes, who'ai'e lifher a» expence than pr^&t :■ thcugli thuy
are perfeaiy fit foi: 'inaqyfa<ai;ijrgs,. :an4 might^b? ^^^§aged in^them much to the advantage of

f)2

The monitor.

their makers. There are fome worthily indaftrious Gentlemen aniGng us, who, fne
la!i: year, cioathed entirely upwards of an hundred of their people with the labour
chiefly of thefe, otherwife ufelefs hands. It is true, induftry, great induHi-y, is necef-
fary to make manufadurts profper among us ; they will n-.ver be accomplifli&d by the
Slothful rnan, who, to fpeak in the eraphatical language of SolcTUon, fiiteth with his
hand in his bofora, and will not fo much as lift it up to his forehead ; or lieth in his
bed, crying there is a lion In the v/ay, he will devour me. Siothfulnefs, is at all times
injiirions to a llate ; but at this period, it may be quickly and vitally pernicious.
Wherefore let every man bear in his mind this admonluon of a judicious poet,

Vitanda eft iinproha fyicn — —

Dejidia ■ •

Sloth, that baneful fyren, mufi: be fhunned.

NUMBER IX.

■ ■ ■ ' '■ HiTtc fpargcre voces

In vulgiwi cjjih'igttas et quaere re confcius arvia.

Gonfcious of the badnefs of his caufe, he thenceforv/ard began to fpread^falie;
reports, and inflame the people to violence.

HE great art of Mr. Crenville and his partlfans, has been, to fpread fuch ru-
mours among the people of Great-Britain^ as, by inilamlng their paffions, fliould
hurry them, contrary to what reafon would have di6lated, into an approbation and fup-
port of his arbitrary mcafures. With this view every exprcflion of difcontcnt under
i>is ruinous and oppreffive admlniftration was imputed to a defire in thofe colonies to
dilTolve all connexion with Britain ; every tumult here, was inflamed into rebellion.

Let it be our ftudy, my countrymen, to invalidate thefe pernicious endeavours,
:is far as is confiftent with the maintenance of our jufl: rights. Let our oppolltion,
xvhile it is a7ii7nated hy a full fenfe of our privileges as freemen, be moderated by that
iefpeft and tendernefs which are due to friends and brothers. Soft ivords turn anvay
wrath, and if the people in Britain have been deceived and Incenfed, by the guileful
practices and inflammatory arts of thofe who are equally enemies to both, let us fruf-
irate their mifchievous intentions, by gently recalling the people to their reafon, by
treating them as if they had hajlily /hot their arro^js o'er the houfe, and hurt their
brothers.

It mud not be judged, from what I have fald, that we fhould rcfign one atom oi
'3ur rights, or ever deiifl from aflerting and fypporting them ; but the direful necelTity

The M O N I T O R. fi

of doing this, by other inftruments than reafon, is not yet. come ; when it does, hea-
ven only muft decide the controverfy. We are engnged in a conteft the moi\ dignifitd
and important, of any that can claim, the attention or the lives of men ; a conteU tor li-
berty : Let us preferve its dignity unfullied by ourfelyes, unimpaired by others. 1 he
ttiore we refleft on the caufe we are vindicating, the more fully fhali we be convinced
of its juftnefsj the more immutably fnall we be determined in its fupport. For my
own part, every hour I confider the late attempts upon our liberties, makes them ap-
pear more raonilrous, more replete with oppreffion, more abfolutely produdive of a
tremendous defpotifm.

It may well be fuppofed, that Mr. Grerivil/e, and his abettors, are confcious of the
badnefs of their caufe, hov/ little it will bear the teft of reafon, when they endeavour
t-o fupport it by inflammatory exaggerations, by infufing fufpicions, jealoufies and pre-
judices into men3 minds ; and executing that by paffi-on, which they defpair of accom-
plifning by rfi7/2/«. A meafure, fo fupported, wears a very fufpicious afpefl ; nor is
its gloom much difpelled, by the aft declarative of a right to tax thefe colonies, in
whatever manner they pleafe. When a meafure was adopted, of taxing us without our
confent, and we deemiag it invalive of our privileges, as freemen, and violative of the
conftitution, denied the right by which it was done ; the pafiing an aft declarative of
that right, w^as confeffing, either that it did not exift before, or was very dubioti!:.
Refolutions are both the proper and fufficient means of declaring a right, that is real
and original.* The bringing in a bill, and palling an aft, looked like ejjablij]?ing fo'tne
7:eau and ajfiivied power ; not declaring an original right. " Befides, an aft of par-
liament, fays my Lord Camder:, newly made, is not fq renerable in the eyes of the
world, or fo fecure againft future alterations, as the old common law of the land,
which has been, from- time immemorial, the inheritance of every Ejiglifhvian, and is,
on account of its antiquity, held, as it were, facred in every man's mind *."

Nov/ this, my countrymen, is our claim ; the old common law of the land, the
conftitution, the im.memorial inheritance of every EngUJJoman, the facred right of par-
ticipating by our reprefentatives, in the legiflature, and maintaining that privilege,
which fo naturally belongs to us, of giving our money by our own confent, or that of'
cur real reprefentaiive. Any tax or impofition, whatever, laid upon us, without our
own confent, is a violation of this conftitution, fo facred for its wifdom, fo venerable
for its antiquity. Its antiquity, which we may trace with the fagacious Montefquieu,
into the woods o^ Gsrtiiany \, And, fliall a novel aft of parliament, fubvert this fa-
cred and venerable monument of antiquity and freedom ? It feemed to me not impro-
per to take notice of this declarative aft of parliament ; that thofe of my cotintrymeii,
who have not leifure to enquire far into fuch things, may not be deceived into an cri-
rion, that it has uaore authority than" is coafiftent with the liberty we claim. Our free-

do7ft

* On general warrants, 6"^.

•^ Si Von veut lire Pad-miraih ouvrage de Tacite fur les mzeiirs des Germains, om ver-
ra que ceji d'eux que les Anglcis ont tire Videe de leur goMVcrtirr'i-^vt poUiique c?
beau fyf(?/!? a etc trouve dans les his Tomi, p. azi.

94 The MO N I T O R:

■dom IS nuhnt 'v)e can neither give tip, nor they fake from us ; and therefore, even an
aft of Parliament, is limited, in this rtfpeft, like the imperious waves of the ocean,
hither it may come, but no farther. It cannot touch, or fubvert that conititution, m
V/hich its own exillcnce is founded. God has made us, fays my Lord Bolingbroke, to
dehre happinefs, he has made that happinefs dependent on fociet), and the happintls of
fociety, on good or bad government ; his intention therefore was, that governn tnt
fhould be good." I would fay farther, that the happinefs of fociety depeni-s upon
free government, for this is the only ^rm which coniults and provides for the g<.od,
fecunty, and happinefs of many ; in oppofition to the will and pleafure of one, or of
a few *. It is mod: certain, that men cannot be hsppy or virtuous in that fociety,
where the will of one is the law ; where liberty, life, and property, are in the arbi-
tration of one, or a few perfons ; in fo precarious, fo perilous a fituation, happinefs
and virtue can rarely, if at all, be found, Infcnfibiiity of the ills, to which they are
expofed, the wretched boon of long and painful fuffering, fometimes alTames, even in
flavery, the fpecious form of happinefs ; but, how poor is this, when compared with
that inexpreffibly happy feeling, which qonfcious dignity and wrorth infpire.

IVhere freedom in the /ireets ij-kncnun, '

^nd tells a Monarch on his thro7ie.

He lives ^ he reigns, by her alone f .

Impious then, and deteftable is the attempt, to take from men, by force or guilej
that liberty in which their happinefs and virtue conhfi: : Impious the government which
pampers and inflames the vices of a few, by the groans, the tears, the miferies of many.
Let every abettor of defpotifm, every fubverter of freedom, take care, that confcience
do not befet his pillow with thorns, that he heap not upon his onun head coals of fire ;

the

* It is under the government of lanvs only, ftot of tnen, that happinefs and virtue are
to be found ; that is, where the laws, which regulate our condud in fociety, are di-
vulged, and they, who are to execute them, cannot pervert or tranfgrefs them with
impunity " Arbitrary power," fays the ingenious Hume,*' in all cafes, is lomewhat
oppreffive and devouring; but it is altogether ruinous and intolerable, when contrafted
into a fmall compafs ; and becomes ftill worfe, when the perfon who poflefl'es it, knows
that the time of his authority is limited and uncertain, Habet fuhjefios, tanqucin ju^
cs ; viles ut alienos. He governs the fubjecls with full authority, as if they were his
own ; and with negligence or tyranny, as belonging to another. A people, governed
affer fuch a manner, are flaves in the full and proper fenfe of the word ; and 'tis im-
poflible they can ever afpire to any refinements in tafte or reafon. They dare not fo
much as pretend to enjoy the neceffaries of life in plenty, or fecurity." Now, whoe-
ver will refleft a moment, mufl perceive th-e fate of thefe colonies dehneated above,
fhould the right lately afTumed over us, by the Britifo Parliament, be once eftablifli-
ed. The Minifter, for the time being, would have an abfolute power, with refped
to us, it would be contraded into a fmall compafs, exerted, comparatively over a
few, and would be therefore ruinous and intoleiable.

t Dr. AKENSIDE,

The monitor. <;s

the vengenrsce of an injured and incenfed people, may at length feize him, or the cries
of oppreflion lift the red hand of heaven againil his execrated head.

It is a happinefs refulting fron-> the caufe we maintain, that recolleflion, while it fills
the hearts of our adverfaries with bitternefs and anguifli, will be forever pleaiing tons.
The juft gratulations of our t)wn l:earts, the appiaufe of mankind, the bleiTmgs which
our pofterity, v.'hofe riglits we are defending, mull: beftow upon us, will be like baini
to every wound, a cordial in every hardfliip we may fuftain. The qnejliori r,ov/ \z,
■whether ixje fiiall be flaves^ or frcciveii, whether nv; fliall hequeaib hondage or liberty
to our children ; whereiore I befeech you, my countrymen, that on this great occa-
fion, ye be determined in your condu(S ; and attentive to its iffue.

NUMBER

J^;V atiiem aviicior quam frater fratri ; ant qiiem alieniwi fidnvi invenles, Ji iir.s
hojlis jueris P SALLUST.

What tie can be flronger than the mutual interefl: of thefe colonies ; c>r, how csn
we exped fidelity from Others, -if we are not faithful to one another ?

N the great and important queftion now before us, my countrymen, a queftion on
which the liberty or bondage, the weal or woe, of millions non.v, and tens of mil-
lions hereafter, will depend, it is incumbent on us, to ftudy the moll: perfefl unanimi-
ty'^infentiment and aftion. Like a band of brothers, thcfe colonies fliould be indiiTo-
lubly firm, in defending the facred fire of freedom from being extinguifhed. Our uni-
ted efforts will be weighty, and, in all probability, fuccefsful ; if divided, we {liaH
coQnteraft one another, and all our endeavours, to vindicate the ccnflitution from ruin,
and ourfelves from bor>dage, will be feeble and ineffedual. It is one common intereft,
that claims our union ; the rights of every colony refl upon the fame foundation, and
cannot be fubverted in one, without being overthrown in all.

Our friends too, in Great-Britain^ would be increafed and encouraged by our Una-
nimity in oppofition ; divifions among ourfelves, would filence and difiiearten them. It
is not to be hoped, that we fliall find men in Britain faithful to our interefl-s, if we
ourfelves abandon them, or determined in their oppofition to meafuies, injurious to us,
while we appear dubious or divided. It is unqueftionably the wilh and aim of our ene-
mies in Britain, to enfeeble the interefl of America there, to create in us a diftrufl of
our friends on the other fide of the Atlantic, to excite an univerfai jealoufy of us in

B b them.

f6

The monitor.

iljiem, and to fpread diffentloa and difmay among ourfelves, by partial exertions of im-
•perions and arbitrary rule. Tiiefe are the means, by which they hope the more effec-
tually to dift'jrb, fubdue, and enllave us ; thefe are the views, with which they have
charged the cppreffive Stamp-A^St, into a not lefs oppreffive, though more fpecioufly
juft, duty, on certain Britijh manufa»5lures imported into America, have purfued the
•fame arbitrary plan, under what we called and deemed an American adminifbation,
and have endeavoured to enforce abfokne obedience to the billetting-a(ft, by the fuf-
penfion of the Legiflature in one province.

The colonies of Virginia and Majfachufetts-Bay, have, by their refpedtivereprefenta-
tires, given their fenfe of the ruinous tendency and arbitrary nature of thefe meafures. In
Virginia, they have i'ent petitions, memorials and remonftrances, to the different branches
CI the Britijh Parliament, againll all thefe afts, not excepting that for fufpending the
Jegillative power of Nif'w-fork, which they juftly deem equally deltrufiive to their own
liberties, as to thofe of that particular province. While 1 rejoice in this tranfadion, I
promife myfelf, that the influence of fo noble and ufeful an example will be univerfal,
that every colony will, in like mannsJr; bear its teiiimony againfl thefe adls, and the
principle upon which they are founded.

Next to the importance of unanimity among the colonies, in exprefTmg their
abhorrence of the arbitrary meafures lately adopted againft Afnsrican freedom, (lands
that of the concurrence of the two branches of the Legifiaturc, in each colony, the Af-
ferably and Councilj in remondrating againft them, and petitioning for rcdrefs. Such
a concurrence mud give the greateft v/eight and efficacy to our public proceedings, muft
place, in the flrongeft light, the dignity and value of our rights, when no coniideration
of place or prolit can influence men to iii in filence, and fee them violated. This co-
lony, I mention it with the higheft fatisfadtion, has purfued fuch a plan, the Upper
Houfe of A/Tembly having concurred with the Lower, in all the proceedings agsinft the
late ails of Parliament. Such unanimity in conduiSt, it is to be hoped, v.il-i be as uni-
verfally imitated', as it muft be generally approved ; fince it cannot but redound to the
immortal honour of thofe gentlemen, who thus facrifice every private conftderation to
th-c public good, and the mainiainance of our invaluable rights.

At th.e fandlion of the Legiflature gives dignity and weight to the fentiments cf the
people ; fo it muft receive from them fapport and flrength. It is therefore the duty cf
every individual to fecond, with his utmoft nihilities, the endeavours cf the legiflative
powers in vindication of A?»erican liberty. It is now that we are called upon by^
every facred and valuable tie, by our own rights, by the rights of our children, and
sheir pofleiity, by the veneration due to our free conftitution, by the virtue, happi-
nefs and glory, that fpring from its admirable frame ; to fruftrate and repel every at-
tempt of thofe, who would violate and corrupt it. It is at this jumflure that fru-
j;ality and induftry will have double the beneficial influence which ufually flows from
them, that harmony and fpirit in thinking, fpeaking and acting, againfl ufurpation
cr opprelTioD, will leftore and reanimate our liberties, fo as to preferve them long fafe,

-and

The monitor.

97

and uninjured, by fimilar invafions. It is now, that erery man ought to grave upon his
free heavt, this noble Roman determination :

Manus hac inimica tyraitnls

Eiife petit placidatn, fub libertatc qn!efei7i.

To tyrants, and to tyranny, a foe, I will maintain my liberty at the hazard of
my life.

I HAVE thus ad^ntured to lay before the public, in a feries of papers, my fenti-
ments on the pfefent ftate of affairs ; to fhew the nature and excellence of liberty,
the vices, the raiferies and abafement which flavery produces, to develope the artful
defigas of our enemies, the arbitrary tendency of their late condudl in Eritai?:, the
fatal confequences that mufl: inevitably follow our acquiefcence under the rights lately*
affumed and exercifed over us, by the Brttijh Parliament j and the necefhty of an
unanimous and determined oppofition to the meditated fubverfion of our conftitutional
freedom and hapfinefs.

It v/ili be for ever pleafingto me, if I have thrown any light on this very impoitant
fubjeft, if I have aided the underftanding of any one man, or infufed into his mind the
true and noble fpirit of liberty, determining him to fupport it with his late/i breath.

I KA%'E now to take leave of my countrymen, which I (hall do in tliefe words of the
great, good, and patriotic Cicero: Duo viodo hxc cpto ; unwn, ut mori^fu popw
lipn Romanum liberum relhiquam, hcc 7?nin majjn a dlis immortalihvs dari' nihil
foteft ; cilieriivti ut ita cuiqtie eveniat, ut de republica q^iifqus mereatur *'.

Two things 1 earneftly wifh, that every 7?!an may he ejlecmsd in p7-oportion t»
lis real patriofij?n, and that I 7i:ay hail my country free nvith my lafi hrjcath.

*
Such, in that hour, as in" all tlie pad,
O fave my country, Heaven ! fhall be my lad.

E s r 0 P E R P E r UA.

f Philippica ii.

The liberty SONG.

OME join iiund in h^ncl, brave America is s all,
And roufc your bold hearts at fair Liberty's call
No tyrannous adls iliall fupprefs your free claim,
Or ilamp the word SLAVE, on America's name.
Itt freedom zus're born, and in freedom uue'll live^
Our mo7vey is ready ^
Steady, boys, jleady,
Let's give it as Freemen, but ntver as Slaves*

IL
Our worthy'Forcfathers, let's give tkem a cheer,
To cHmates they knew not, full bravely did fleer^
Thro' oceans, to defarts, in freedom they came,
And, dying, bequeath 'd us their freedom and fame.
In freedom, e^T.

IIL
The Tree their own hands had to liberty rear'd,
Deep rooted in earth, grew llrong and rever'd :
Then, from all aifaults, we this tree will m.aintain,
And leave to our children the fruit of our pain,
^n»^i//^rcedom, ^'c,

IV.
Here's a health to our King, and the Nation at "home^
America and Britain fhould ever be one :
In liberty <& caufe, we united fhall {land
The envy and dread of each neighbouring land.
In freedoin, <l:yc,

V.
Then join hand in hand, brave Americans all,
By uniting, we ftand, by dividing, we fall j
111 {q righteous a caufe, we mufl furely fucceed,
For Heaven approves of each generous deed,
hi freedom, <o'c^

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